Democratic Progressive Party (DPP Taiwan)

Tsai Ing-wen's Concession Speech January 14, 2012

2012-01-15T19:32:00.000-08:00

DPP Presidential Candidate and Chair Tsai Ing-wen’s Concession Speech:
“The DPP's Transformation and Reform will not Stop, My Heart will Always Remain with the Taiwanese People”

Thank you everyone for being here, especially in this rain. I would like to say thank you! Thank you everyone!

For our friends who are present here today, for those watching on their television sets and the Internet, good evening!

We concede and accept the decision made by the Taiwanese people. I know that many of our supporters feel heartbroken as they listen to me say this. However I would like to congratulate President Ma, and I hope that in the next four years, he listens to the voices of the people, governs with diligence, caring equally for every citizen, and absolutely not disappoint the people’s expectations.

I understand what the people are thinking at the moment. I believe that many people expected a victory today, but, although the reality was not to our satisfaction, I would like to encourage our supporters to be strong. We will continue to be strong and we will even be stronger than anyone else. We are the DPP, and when we faced our darkest times, we didn’t falter. We did not falter in the past, and we won't now.

I ask you to recall the despair of four years ago. When we wanted to climb the highest mountain, but we feared that it would be unattainable. However, we clenched our teeth and forged ahead with party unity. In these four years, step-by-step, we moved forward. This time, we just came up short of reaching the peak.

Even though these results are regrettable, we counted on the faith placed by the people in the little piggies fundraising campaign, which established the roots of a new political model, and also counted on our policy proposals for the future development of Taiwan, our key strength in this campaign.

What is most important is our power of unity, a force that cannot be ignored, one that will neither collapse nor disappear.

Please do not worry or feel despair. Taiwan cannot afford to be without an opposition voice or be without checks and balances. Even though we will not be able to achieve our ideals from a governing role in the next four years, this does not mean that the opposition will have no power.

I believe that as long as you continue to stand behind us, giving us your support and encouragement, we will have a future and will climb at last to the top of the mountain.

As party chair, I would like to offer my sincere appreciation for your support of our legislative candidates allowing us to increase the number of DPP seats in the legislature. In the future, they will speak for the people in the Legislative Yuan, placing the people’s hardships in their hearts, exerting all their efforts to raise the quality of public policy and striving to provide adequate care for the people.

The reform and transformation of the DPP will not cease. We will continue to stand by the people, especially those that are disadvantaged in our society. We will continue to stand by our policy ideals, and we will continue to insist on disassociating ourselves from corporate money and rely on small-sum donations. We will continue to forge ahead, believing that one day, we will gain the trust of the majority.

Even though we gave our all in attempting to achieve our ideals, this road will take longer than expected. We can do better in the future. Facing the results of this election, the DPP will consciously carry out self-examination and continue to remain alert.

For this election result, I take full responsibility. Just a few moments ago, I announced that I will resign my position as chair of the Democratic Progressive Party. I have faith that the next chair will continue leading the DPP towards reform and transformation, will continue our forward momentum.

I personally wish to thank all of you for accompanying me on our common journey. It has been a beautiful four years as we fought side by side. In my heart, you are not only the people who voted for me, but you are also my best companions.

Tonight, I understand that everyone must have feelings of sorrow, and if you really do feel that way, let these feelings come out. You can cry, but do not feel discouraged. You can feel sorrow, but never give up because tomorrow we must be brave just like we have been in the last four years, and fill our hearts with hope. Because we also must bravely, responsibly fight for our country and we must continue to positively fight for our Taiwan. No matter the position we hold, we must continue to love and cherish this country of ours.

To all the dear people of Taiwan: one day we will come back and we will not give up. On this day of 2012, those who supported me and the DPP should feel proud. Let us keep our heads up and continue to walk bravely forward with strong steps.

Thank you! My heart will always stand with the people of Taiwan.

Video of January 12 Press Conference hosted by Bi-khim Hsiao

2012-01-12T21:28:00.001-08:00

Click on the below links for video of the January 12 Press Conference hosted by Tsai Ing-wen's Spokesperson for International Affairs Ms. Bi-khim Hsiao:

1/12 Press Conference Video Part 1

1/12 Press Conference Video Part 2

1/12 Press Conference Video Part 3

1/12 Press Conference Video Part 4

Press Conference on 2012 DPP Campaign Themes hosted by Ms. Bi-khim Hsiao

2012-01-12T03:34:00.000-08:00

The DPP held a press conference at the National Campaign Headquarters of DPP Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen in Banciao, New Taipei City, to explain the DPP campaign strategy for the 2012 Elections. The press conference was hosted by Ms. Bi-khim Hsiao, who is a campaign spokesperson for Ms. Tsai Ing-wen.

She proceeded to discuss the current problems faced by Taiwanese society, which are related to socio-economic problems, such as the rise of real estate prices, the lack of adequate jobs, the growing wealth gap and issues related to energy dependency, among others. Ms. Hsiao described how these problems are currently predominant in Taiwanese society, and the DPP has responded with its main campaign theme, “Fairness and Justice”, in order to pursue fair economic opportunities and social justice for the Taiwanese people.

Ms. Hsiao emphasized that the DPP’s campaign has been mostly policy-oriented, and although there has been a negative smear campaign against Tsai Ing-wen, she stressed that the DPP will continue accentuating a positive campaign.

Although the cross strait issue is a significant policy matter for the Taiwanese public, Ms. Hsiao emphasized that cross strait relations represented only one factor in the upcoming Taiwan elections. However, she confirmed that China policy “continues to be a very important policy area [for the DPP]”.

She explained that the people in Taiwan are concerned about economic relations with China, and that they understood there are benefits as well as risks from engagement with China, but expect Taiwan leaders to manage the relationship with China well.

“For example, while we have experienced some GDP growth rate, however we believe the benefits are only concentrated on few business groups and the general population is not benefitting. We feel quite strongly that the risks have to be well managed,” Ms. Hsiao said.

For this reason, Ms. Hsiao noted that the DPP has chosen to focus its campaign strategy on promoting more “diversification of global interests” as opposed to President Ma putting all the eggs in one basket, she said.

Tsai’s Grand Coalition

Ms. Hsiao explained Tsai Ing-wen’s recent proposal of a “grand coalition government” when elected president. She described that this proposal for power-sharing, unprecedented in Taiwan’s young democracy, has emerged in response to deep political divisions in recent years.

Ms. Hsiao stated that Tsai’s grand coalition proposal is a means to overcome deep divisions and animosity that have intensified between political parties in the recent years.

Taiwan’s First Woman President and Three Little Pigs Movement

Ms. Hsiao said that another major campaign theme used in DPP rallies and related events has been the fact that Tsai Ing-wen is the first female presidential candidate in Taiwan, which shows a historical step for progress in our society.

Another unprecedented event has been the successful campaign of the Three Little Pigs, which Ms. Hsiao explained was the people’s backlash against heavy-handed government intervention in this campaign. The campaign turned into a large-mass movement of small sum donations.

Ms. Hsiao said that the DPP was able to collect a little over 200 million NTD (about 6.7 million USD) from a total of 143,000 small piggy bank donations.

Challenges to the DPP Campaign

Ms. Hsiao listed the major problems faced by the DPP in this campaign, particularly the lack of government neutrality. Ms. Hsiao said the DPP has found these problems to be very problematic in fear that it is a reversal to the practices common throughout the authoritarian period.

She cited the inappropriate use of government resources in the campaign, such as the story published by Next Magazine that uncovered the Ministry of Justice’s Investigation Bureau spying on the DPP presidential candidate.

Ms. Hsiao mentioned instances the demonstrated the lack of government neutrality, such as directing 28 government agents to gather information and spy on Ms. Tsai, as well as inappropriate mobilization of civil servants to attend campaign activities hosted by the KMT. She lastly cited the evidence of forged documents by Council of Economic Planning and Development to smear Ms. Tsai’s reputation.

Chinese Intervention

At the press conference, Ms. Hsiao also discussed with the press the issue of Chinese intervention into the campaign. She explained that since 1996, China has attempted to impact the outcome of Taiwan’s elections.

She said that even though China has not achieved its desired effects, they have continued to issue verbal threats and attempt to influence the election.

Ms. Hsiao cited that the charter flights and subsidized ticket prices were an indirect bribe or enticement meant to encourage Taiwanese businessmen to come back to Taiwan to vote. She also pointed out the fact that a number of Taiwanese businesses operating in China have been pressured to provide campaign donations to the KMT.

2012 Elections - DPP Jeep Parade Schedule

2012-01-09T04:40:00.000-08:00

Below is the schedule of Jeep Parades by DPP Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen. Please use this schedule as reference only as locations and times might be changed. For the latest Tsai Ing-wen's schedule in Mandarin Chinese, please visit http://iing.tw/event_index.aspx. For information in English, please contact the Dept. of International Affairs at 2392-9989 ext. 306, 363 or 364 or write an email to foreign@dpp.org.tw.

選前一週掃街活動每日起迄點

Jeep Parade Schedule

日期

Date

上午出發點

AM Departing Point

中午結束點

Noon Ending Point

下午出發點

PM Departing Point

下午結束點

PM Ending Point

1/7(六)

Saturday

0950屏東縣東港鎮鎮海公園

Pingtung County, Dong Gang town, Zhen Hai Park

1230屏東縣屏東市建國路/台畜公司門口

Pingtung City, JienGuo Road/Entrance of TaiShu Company

1430高雄市鳳山區五甲一路663之6號/許智傑競總

KaoHsiung City, FengShan Distrcit, #663 of 6, WuJia First Rd./Hsu Zhi-Jie Campaign HQ

1730高雄市岡山區公園東路31號/邱志偉競總

KaoHsiung City, GangShan District, #31 GongYuan E. Rd./ Chiu Zhi-Wei Campaign HQ

1/8(日)

Sunday

0930台南市南區南萣橋頭

Tainan City, South District, NanDing Bridge

1230台南市永康區永大路三段95號/台南市競總

Tainan City, YungKang District, #95, YungDa Rd., Sec. 3

本日下午總統候選人無掃街行程

There are no events scheduled for the presidential candidate this afternoon.

1/9(一)

Monday

0950嘉義市博愛路二段350號/李俊俋委員競總

Chiayi City, #350, BoAi Road Sec. 2/ Lee Chun-Yi Campaign HQ

1230嘉義縣朴子市大同路圓環

Chiayi County, PuZi City, DaTong Road Roundabout

1500雲林縣虎尾鎮中正路147號/德興宮牌樓對面

YunLin County, HuWei Town, #147 ZhongZheng Road/Across from DeHsing Gong

1730雲林縣斗六市民生路與雲林路一段口/環保局旁

YunLin County, DouLiu City, MinSheng Rd. x YunLin Rd. Sec. 1/Next to the Environmental Protection Agency

1/10(二)

Tuesday

0930彰化縣伸港鄉中興路一段296號/陳進丁委員伸港後援會

Changhua County, ShenGang Township, #296, ZhongHsing Rd, Sec. 1/ Chen Jin-Ding ShenGang HQ

1230彰化縣彰化市四維路69巷48號/黃秀芳委員競總

ChangHua City, #48, Alley 69, SiWei Road/Huang Hsiou-Fang HQ

1400台中市霧峰區得泰街夜市廣場

TaiChung City, WuFeng District, DeTai Street Nightmarket Plaza

1700台中市豐原區圓環西路22之2號/大台中縣區競總

TaiChung City, FengYuan District, #22 of 2, YuanHuan W. Rd./ Greater TaiChung County HQ

1/11(三)

Wednesday

0930苗栗縣苗栗市中山路82號/楊長鎮競總

MiaoLi City, #82 ZhongShan Road/ Yang Chang-Zhen HQ

1230苗栗縣竹南鎮環市路三段

MiaoLi County, ZhuNan Town, HuanShi Road Sec. 3

1500新竹市自由路73號/張學舜競總

HsinChu City, #73 ZiYou Road/ Chang Hsue-Shun Campaign HQ

1730新竹縣竹東鎮

HsinChu County, ZhuDong Town

1/12(四)

Thursday

1040桃園縣楊梅鎮中山南路楊湖路口，昇平橋前

TaoYuan County, YangMei Township, ZhongShan S. Rd. x YangHuLu., ShengPing Bridge

1235桃園縣中壢市中山東路48號/黃仁杼競總

TaoYuan County, ZhongLi City, #48, ZhongShan E. Rd./Huang Jen-Hsu Campaign HQ

1500桃園縣中壢市中山東路48號/黃仁杼競總

TaoYuan County, ZhongLi City, #48 ZhongShan E. Rd.,/Huang Jen-Hsu Campaign HQ

1730桃園縣蘆竹鄉山腳村山林街旁廣場

TaoYuan County, LuZhu Township, ShanJiao Village, ShanLin Street plaza.

1/13(五)

Friday

0940新北市瑞芳區慈興宮上香

New Taipei City, Ruei Fang District, TsiHsing Temple

1020新北市汐止區(註1)

New Taipei City, ShiZhi District

1230台北市中山區松江路39號/台北市競總

Taipei City, ZhongShan District, #39 SongJiang Road/Taipei City HQ

1400新北市蘆洲區長榮路50號對向車道/林淑芬競總對面

New Taipei City, LuZhou District, #50 ChangRong Rd.,/ Across from Lin Shu-Fen HQ

1700新北市板橋區縣民大道二段80號/全國競總

New Taipei City, BanCiao District, #80 XianMin Boulevard Sec. 2/ National Campaign HQ

Piggy Bank Donations Reach NT$201.2 Million (USD$6.7 Million)

2012-01-08T18:50:00.000-08:00

The Tsai Ing-wen National Campaign Headquarters held a "Happy Pigs, Successful Victory" press conference on January 6th.

Spokespeople Lin Chun-Hsien and Cheng Li-chun expressed that from the beginning of the "Summoning of the Piggy Banks" event on December 10th until now, 143,000 little piggy banks have already successfully returned home. Although the Taiwanese people live frugally, the donations saved in the piggy banks have reached NT $201.2 million (USD $6.7 million).

Through these small donations the people have expressed their disappointment with the current administration as well as their desire for fairness and social justice. Every dollar in those piggy banks will be used in the campaign against the abuse of the state apparatus by Taiwan's Big Bad Wolf, which treats Taiwanese society with neither fairness nor justice.

Lin Chun-Hsien explained that on October 9th, as Tsai was on the campaign trail in Tainan, a grandfather brought his three triplet granddaughters to the stage, who presented Tsai with three little piggy banks. They hoped that Tsai could lead Taiwan and create a better future for the next generation. However, their simple wish to donate money from their banks was suppressed by the Control Yuan.

Thus, on October 25th, the DPP launched the "Three Little Pigs Campaign" to bring together the strength of the whole people and bring down the Big Bad Wolf. Lin said that "The Three Little Pigs Movement" started nearly two months ago, and the entire country enthusiastically supported and participated in it.

On the day of December 18th, over 100,000 participants showed their support by joining the “Fairness and Justice, Taiwan Piggy Banks" event and returning over 100,000 piggy banks from all around the nation to the national campaign headquarters in Banciao.

During the past twenty days, as the people gradually sent the piggy banks home, 150 volunteers on three assembly lines worked on 12 hole-punching machines, 52 coin sorting machines, and 6 coin counters for 12 hours per day, for a total of more than 3,000 man-hours. Lin expressed that as they completed the process of taking inventory, workers dealt with malfunctioning coin counting machines and long hours.

Even so, no one tired from their efforts, and through this process, the DPP witnessed both the power of the people of Taiwan as well as the most successful small donation fundraising campaign in Taiwan history.

Campaign Spokesperson Cheng Li-chun took out a small piece of paper that a donor placed into a piggy bank, upon which the supporter wrote his wishes and expectations for Taiwan. Cheng told the story of ninety-year-old from Sanchong called Grandfather Lin. He was entrusted with delivering the piggy bank because the donor did not know where to send it, riding a tricycle all the way from Luzhou District.
In addition, she spoke of a poor donor that lived together with four generations of his family. This man worked hard just to survive; he had a daughter with disabilities and provided for his six-year-old grandson. Yet, even such a poor family desired to raise a piggy bank to express support for Tsai Ing-wen.

Another supporter, despite living in poverty and finding it difficult to put food on the table, diligently strove to make deposits into the piggy bank. He included a note that read, "I'm sorry, I can save only so much because I must leave some money to eat." In another moving story, Tang Bao Bao donated all the bonus money she earned as a cleaner to Tsai Ing-wen, saying that "I want to use my bonus and my vote to support you, I hope that you are overwhelmingly elected."

Cheng Li-chun expressed that this election is asymmetric, and Taiwan is gradually experiencing a rollback of democracy. This time, the Three Little Pigs are opposing not just one Big Bad Wolf, but three. The people must harness the power of equality and justice to fight against the Big Bad Wolves of big business, huge KMT party assets, and the use of the state apparatus to influence the electoral battle.

Cheng said that the Three Little Pigs movement highlights the desire of the people to expect a society marked by fairness. People have made small contributions to express their dissatisfaction with the current administration and expectations for Tsai Ing-wen.

On this day, the Democratic Progressive Party expresses its sincere gratitude for the strength of the Taiwanese people, including those supporters who lived frugally and used their savings to make valuable donations; the campaign headquarters volunteers who received the piggy banks; those who transported the piggy banks back home; and the volunteers who happily worked day and night to complete the process to fruition.

2012 DPP Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen Rallies

2012-01-04T00:11:00.000-08:00

Below is the schedule of rallies by DPP Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen. This schedule will be continuously updated as more locations for rallies prior to Election Day become pulic. For the latest Tsai Ing-wen's schedule in Mandarin Chinese, please visit http://iing.tw/event_index.aspx. For information in English, please contact the Dept. of International Affairs at 2392-9989 ext. 306, 363 or 364 or write an email to foreign@dpp.org.tw.

Monday 9 January

18:30-20:30【南投縣NANTOU COUNTY】中興新村921感恩公園（南投市省府路與光華路口）ZhongShing New Town, 921Gan En Park. Shengfu Rd. x Guanghua Rd.

18:30-22:00【雲林縣斗南DOUNAN, YUNLIN COUNTY】斗南田徑場（斗南市大同路150號）Dounan Track and Field Stadium, No.150 Datong Rd., Dounan Township

Tuesday 10 January

18:00-20:30【嘉義縣CHIAYI COUNTY】東石國中（朴子市山通路6號） DongShan Junior High School, No.6 Shantong Rd., Puzi City, Chiayi County

18:30-22:00【嘉義市CHIAYI CITY】嘉義市綜合體育場（體育路2號）Chiayi City Stadium, No.2 Tiyu Rd., East Dist., Chiayi City

Wednesday 11 January

18:00-20:30【屏東縣屏東市PINGTUNG CITY】屏東市中山路與永福路口 Zhongshan Rd. x Yongfu Rd.

18:30-22:00【高雄市KAOHSIUNG】農16廣場（至聖路與博愛二路口）Nong 16 Plaza, Zhisheng Rd. x Bo-ai 2^nd Rd., Gushan Dist., Kaohsiung City

Thursday 12 January

18:00-20:30【彰化縣彰化市CHANGHUA CITY】林森路夜市（精誠路與林森路口）Linsen Road Night Market, Jingcheng Rd. x Linsen Rd., Changhua City

18:30-22:00【台中市TAICHUNG】老虎城購物中心（市政北二路與河南路口）Tiger City Mall Square, Shizheng N. 2^nd Rd. x Henan Rd., Xitun Dist., Taichung City

Friday 13 January

18:00-20:30【桃園縣北桃園NORTH TAOYUAN】桃園小巨蛋（成功路與三民路口）Taoyuan Arena, Chenggong Rd. x Sanmin Rd., Taoyuan City

18:30-22:00【新北市板橋BANCIAO, NEW TAIPEI】板橋第一體育場（板橋區漢生東路278號）Banciao First Stadium, Banciao District, No. 278 Hansheng E. Rd.

Democracy & Progress December 2011

2012-01-02T19:38:00.000-08:00

Government bodies interfering in elections, was President Ma really not aware?

2011-12-30T02:07:00.000-08:00

The document on the right is an official document by the Investigation Bureau highlighting Tsai Ing-wen’s activities. The monitoring was made on Aug. 2, 2011, when Tsai Ing-wen did not even register officially with the Central Election Commission as candidate for president. The second arrow points toward the explanation in the report where it estimates the amount of votes attending such an activity would attract.

On Dec. 29, DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen held a press conference to express her concern regarding the Next Media report involving national intelligence officials gathering information illegally about her campaign activities. Below are the main parts of her speech translated into English:

“It is a very serious issue when in any democratic country, the leader or the governing political party employs government bodies - especially national intelligence bodies – to interfere in elections. Now, the media has exposed that the National Security Council and the Investigation Bureau has intervened into this election.

“It is not appropriate when the secretary general of the National Security Council, who receives orders from the president, acts beyond his authority by attending a National Security Bureau meeting. Additionally, it is not appropriate to send National Security Council representatives to attend information meetings at the Investigation Bureau.

“Furthermore, the Investigation Bureau used official documents to direct their frontline agents to monitor candidates of opposition parties, in addition to giving them incentives through their performance evaluations. If these accusations turn out to be true, the seriousness of this issue surpasses that of the US’ Watergate Scandal.

“The media has revealed from Investigation Bureau files that besides reporting on the times, locations and people attending Tsai Ing-wen’s activities, they also had to estimate the amount of votes these activities would attract. It is preposterous to label these illegal actions as measures to provide security for presidential candidates. For the security protection of Tsai Ing-wen, intelligence must be gathered on potential harms to the candidate. Why has the investigations turned toward my supporters, and towards assessing the number of votes these activities attract?

“The National Security Council is the national security body for the president, and the president must have either known or directed these actions. If already the conduct of the National Security Council has been covered by the media, how is it possible for the president not to know? If he didn’t know about it, he is incompetent, and if he did know about it, he is lying.

“I would like to emphasize once again the gravity and seriousness of the situation when the leader or the governing political party of a democratic country employs government bodies - especially national intelligence bodies – to interfere in elections. The contents published in the media already represent a constitutional crisis and whether the president has abused his executive powers. Even more, this has damaged the image of our democracy. The president must immediately offer an explanation to the public, and he can neither escape the problem nor the responsibility.

“On the other hand, if all facts point towards the involvement of the president, the national security bodies and the investigation units, a judicial investigation must start immediately. Since the Investigation Bureau has already admitted to the existence of these reported documents, they must all be immediately collected in order to avoid falsification of documents and destruction of evidence.”

DPP offers policy solutions over seriousness of fine particle pollution

2011-12-29T02:04:00.001-08:00

On the 25th of December, a summit regarding air pollutants and consequences to human health was held in Taipei. The “PM2.5 Environmental Hazard Summit” organized by Taiwan Obstetrics and Gynecology Association, Taiwan Academy of Neurology, Taiwan Ecological Society, and other professional medical groups in Taiwan was held to raise awareness among policy makers regarding the dangers of environmental air pollutants.

The organizers invited presidential and legislator candidates from all the political parties as well as government officials around the island. However, only representatives from the Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Solidarity Union, the Green party, and government officials from Tainan, Yunlin, Chiayi, Nantou, Pingtung and Yilan Counties were present at the summit. On behalf of DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen, Former Deputy Premier Yeh Chu-lan, Former EPA Minister Winston Dang and Spokesperson for Tsai Ing-wen Campaign Headquarters Cheng Li-chiun attended the summit. The organizers expressed during the summit their disappointment that there were no representatives from the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) People’s First Party, and New Party to attend to the issue of environmental hazard.

Fine particle pollution, also known as PM 2.5 describes particulate matter that is 2.5 micrometers in diameter and smaller. According to US EPA, it can be emitted directly or formed secondarily in the atmosphere. Health studies have shown a significant association between exposure to fine particles and premature death from heart or lung disease.

In the remarks made by Former EPA Minister Dang, who worked in the US EPA for fifteen years, he mentioned the importance to restructure and reshape our industries and move away from high-pollution, high-energy consumption industries in order to lower PM 2.5 emission. Moreover, he recommends encouraging more widespread use of public transportation to reduce scooters’ usage, which is one of the main causes of the high PM2.5 levels in Taiwan.

Mr. Dang also urged to invest more in green industries and increase usage of renewable energy by 1% annually. He mentioned that it is important for countries to work together to alleviate environmental damages from global warming and sandstorms from China in order to effectively control the level of PM 2.5.
More importantly, as Mr. Dang emphasized, the government should publicize the hazard of fine particle pollution and establish stricter regulations which will in time prolong life expectancy and lower healthcare cost. Lastly, risk communication with the public is perhaps one of the crucial aspects to focus on since the public is the direct victim from any forms of environmental hazard.

Mr. Dang further proposed certain specific measures to be achieved in 10 years:
- For sensitive groups within designated indoor areas (nurseries, hospitals, nursing homes, schools, etc) apply the strictest regulations provided by the WHO: allow a daily average of 25 micrometers or lower per cubic meter (area), and an annual average of 10 micrometers per cubic meter.
- For designated public indoor areas (subways, shopping malls, etc.) and outdoor areas, regulations should be in accordance with that of the US and Japan: allow a daily average of 35 micrometers or lower per cubic meter, annual average of 15 micrometers per cubic meter.

The reason to hold this summit, as explained by the organizers, was for presidential candidates to explain concrete policies related to sustainable economy and future industries and to have the EPA propose air quality standards and relevant regulations as soon as possible. This will lead to lower social and environmental cost simultaneously stimulating growth in the green industries.

It is absolutely vital for Taiwan to improve its current air pollution problem, the conference organizers expressed. According to Nownews reports, cancer has been the leading cause of death in Taiwan for three decades, with lung cancer being the most common type (approximately 7,000 people die from lung cancer each year). There have also been cases of 17 year olds being diagnosed with lung cancer. Notwithstanding cigarettes, the medical community believes there are additional causes to lung cancer in Taiwan due to its small land area.

Tsai Ing-wen's Labor Policy Proposal: Rescue our Workers - Ensure Job Security

2011-12-09T19:44:00.000-08:00

On Dec. 8, DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-Wen outlined her labor policy titled “Rescue our Workers - Ensure Job Security”. Chair Tsai said the main four recommendations included in her proposed labor policy are: (1) introducing first-time job seekers allowance, (2) ensuring higher rates in unemployment benefits, (3) implementation of short-term allowance for forced unpaid leaves workers, and (4) banning government agencies from hiring dispatched workers.

The labor policy, she said, originated from the DPP’s 10 Year Policy Platform’s “New Labor Policy” Chapter, in which it is proposed for Taiwan to seek an employment-oriented economic policy. These recommendations advocate tackling the global recession with a focus on the local economy and fight unemployment, while addressing increases in salaries and protection on labor rights.

Due to the current global recession, the people of Taiwan have been faced with these major job security issues:

• Unemployment - people who are willing to work cannot find suitable employment
• Unpaid leaves - a large number of employees are required to take unpaid leaves of absence considered as extra vacation time.
• Atypical workers - people, although having jobs, work with weak social protection.

All of the above represent the current problems our workforce is facing. What is worrisome is that the European debt crisis is set to pose severe challenges to Taiwan due to the effects it would bring on our export market. The increase in unemployment, decline in the economic outlook and stock market index, and the shrinking labor market and export orders are all signs that will cause upcoming hardships for our labor force.

In such times of economic turmoil, Chair Tsai has proposed a labor policy that not only aids the unemployed workers, but also prevents employees from being faced with declining salaries. Therefore, Chair Tsai’s four-point policy is set to strengthen our labor force.

Here is a brief explanation on the four propositions:

1. Introducing first-time job seekers allowance

First-time job seekers now accounts for approximately 21% of jobless workers. These total 104,000 new unemployed workers, and having never registered for the employment insurance, are not classified to receive unemployment benefits, therefore having to rely on family members for financial support.

The government is responsible for helping them sustaining a basic living before finding their first-time jobs. Developed counties, including Australia, New Zealand and the UK also implement similar measures.

In this proposal, first-time job seekers under the age of 29, who remain jobless for more than six months, should be offered a first-time job seekers allowance. They should receive, for six months, half of the benefit amount that is given to those on unemployment benefits.

2. Ensuring higher rates in unemployment benefits

In 2010, only 7.15% jobless employees received unemployment allowance, much lower than Korea’s 12%. For many fixed-term contract workers cannot receive unemployment benefits because their employees illegally employ the workers without insurance. Other fixed-term contract workers, due to the instability of their jobs, fail to receive unemployment allowance because their accumulated labor insurance seniority is less than six months. Moreover, the standard of unemployment in the Employment Insurance Act is too strict, causing many people that lost their jobs to not qualify for unemployment benefits.

For these reasons, Chair Tsai has proposed to increase the amount of unemployment benefits. First, among industries that largely hire fixed-term contract workers, Chair Tsai, once elected, intends for the government to make more labor inspection, which includes ensuring that all employers pay insurance for their employees. Second, the government should cast a reasonable recognized standard on unemployment in order to ensure that unemployed people are given greater chances on receiving benefits.

3. Implementation of short-term allowance for forced unpaid leaves workers

In recent years, some enterprises have adopted unpaid leaves practices, requiring employees to take unpaid leaves of absence as extra vacation time, disguising a wage decline. Even though both sides have a formal agreement, workers’ unequal status gives them little rights to say “no.”

Chair Tsai said that she believes enterprises should bear general economic risks and therefore should not practice unpaid leaves. However, during economic crisis, if companies have to shorten operating hours, there should be a prior agreement between the workers and the management, and it should also be recognized by the government. It is the responsibility for the government to provide employees with short-term subsidies in order to prevent workers from facing hardships and to lighten the stress laid out for enterprises. Chair Tsai’s labor policy proposition is based on the idea that enterprises are obliged to repay the shortfall in employee salary. Therefore, when applying for unpaid leaves permission, a repayment plan should be attached.

In this new plan, it is proposed that firms are allowed to shorten working hours amid economic crisis, but the employers must complete labor wage negotiations with their workers, which must be approved by the government before enacting. The government should provide the workers with short-term subsidies that stem from employment insurance funds. These short-term subsidies are wages paid to the worker on behalf of the employers, thereby making the employer responsible for repaying the government.

4. Banning government agencies from hiring dispatched workers

The numbers of dispatched workers have increased from 76,000 to 353,000 people. Approximately 15,000 of these workers are employed by the government. These atypical workers face job instability, unequal wages, as well as vile working conditions.

The new policy proposal requests a review of the Labor Standards Act to ensure equality in status among temporary workers and full-time workers under certain conditions. It is also proposed that a limit should be placed for applicable industries.

In addition, the government must lead by example and stop the hiring of temporary workers. All levels of public and government institutions should be prohibited from employing dispatched workers, and prohibit temporary hiring disguised as contracts for natural persons. Nonetheless, the rights of current temporary workers should still be protected and they should be gradually modified into contractual staff.

Furthermore, the Labor Standards Act should be revised, including a chapter devoted to protecting the rights of temporary workers in order to ensure equal wages compared with that of full-time employees under certain conditions.

Maintain our industry’s competitiveness while taking care of our workers

Chair Tsai’s four proposals are not only preparations for the inevitable booms and busts of the economy, but also a revision to our current labor rights protection.

Facing future economic challenges, President Ma’s Administration has only responded with the slogan of the next “Golden Ten Years”, dodging the reality that is unable to solve citizens and their gloom outlook on the future.

Chair Tsai believes that labor is the building block for economic development. In the foreseeable future, the world will face more and more economic turbulence, and it is the government's job to protect the country. Not only will we have to maintain our industries' competitiveness, but also take care of our workers to stay strong in times of challenges in order to prosper in the future.

DPP Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen embarks on Campaign Route 17

2011-12-08T20:21:00.000-08:00

On Dec. 7, DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen began her campaign event: “Campaign Route 17 – A walk of Matsu Culture”. The first stop was visiting the Tin Hau Temple in Lugang, where Tsai shared her experiences on campaign events Route 1, Route 3 and Route 9, all of which allowed her to see the footsteps of our forefathers and how they developed Taiwan’s vitality.

The DPP’s Campaign Route 17 represents the starting point of our ancestors. The hardest living conditions and harshest environment was located along the west coast region, making the first residents one of the most resilient and hardworking groups of people in Taiwan. In order to experience the challenges faced through the development of this area, Chair Tsai decided to embark upon Route 17 to recollect the adversities our forefathers previously faced.

In her remarks, she explained how the spirit of Matsu correlates with the government’s responsibility to “help where help is needed”, to be empathetic and to provide fair and equal assistance to all regardless of gender, age, or social status.

Chair Tsai also addressed the extreme conditions early immigrants faced including draught seasons that made irrigation impossible as well as rain seasons where flood destroyed farmlands and villages. She mentioned that in spite of these extreme living conditions, the early immigrants remained and protected their homes, continued searching for limited opportunities and developed into an ideal environment for fish farms. Their persistence reflected not only Taiwanese people’s unwillingness to accept fate and defeat, but also our strong sense of determination, she said.

When asked about her reasons for “Campaign Route 17”, she explained the purpose of this route is to remind ourselves of the blood and sweat our ancestors put into in order to ensure opportunities for our generation. Therefore we should not take opportunities for granted, since it was all provided for us with hard work by our ancestors. In addition, this route also serves as a reminder to what Taiwanese people pursue, which is no more than a peaceful and a wenbao, a Chinese term for warmth and a full stomach, life and happiness in its purest form. Nonetheless, this simple happiness requires a capable government.

Chair Tsai also shared her experiences after DPP’s low point in 2008, where DPP had done some reflection, re-evaluation and planning carefully about Taiwan’s future. Now the DPP promises that once it gains power, it will abide by Matsu’s spirit and help the ones in need by providing fair and just support for the disadvantaged so our future generations can have a future they look forward to.

Where Ma was mistaken and why 6-3-3 is an unrealistic promise

2011-12-06T00:35:00.001-08:00

In the recent televised 2012 Presidential Candidate Debate, Ma argued that the failed 6-3-3 plan was proposed simultaneously with the "12 Constructions for a Better Taiwan", and therefore was planned to be achieved in eight years contrary to the four years Ma had promised in 2008.

“I am willing to apologize once again, there is still plenty of room for improvement,” Ma responded when questioned about not being able to achieve the 6-3-3 economic goal. The 6-3-3 economic goal represents Ma’s promise to achieve an average of 6% GDP growth rate, $30,000 USD per capita income by 2016 ($20,000 USD by 2011), and 3% unemployment rate within his first term.

DPP spokesperson Chen Chi-mai criticized Ma’s lack of credibility since Ma had repeatedly promised the people that he would achieve 6-3-3 in four years, and finally apologizing during the debate yet he did not feel accountable for not achieving the targets he set out to accomplish once elected. Furthermore, Chen accused Ma of attempting to deceive his way to another four years in the government. He also pointed out that in order to achieve 6-3-3, Taiwan must average 9% GDP growth rate annually for next four years in order to fulfill his unrealistic promise.

Where Ma was mistaken and why 6-3-3 is an unrealistic promise:

Three years since Ma took office, per capita income has not surpassed $20,000 USD.

In order to reach $30,000 USD per capita income by 2016, Taiwan must maintain an annual salary increase of 10.3% or above.

To reach the promised 6% average growth rate, Taiwan must average 8.5% GDP growth rate in the next 4 years amid global sovereign debt crisis.

The Council for Economic Planning has already announced that Taiwan would have trouble maintaining 4% GDP growth rate next year, therefore, making 6-3-3 even more farfetched.

The DPP spokesperson further reiterated that if the president cannot fulfill his promise, then he should step down because what the people need right now is a president that can be held accountable.

Moreover, Ma has also stated that “KMT is more proficient at handling the economy”, which Chen pointed out to be false.

How “KMT is more proficient at handling the economy” is a false belief:

DPP’s last year in government, 2007, Taiwan achieved a 5.98% GDP growth rate whereas Ma administration’s expected growth rate for next year is 4.51%.

DPP’s eight years as the ruling party yielded a 4.49% average GDP growth rate compared with Ma administration’s 3.24%.

The average unemployment rate when DPP was in office was 4.30% while the Ma administration’s average unemployment rate is 5.05%.

An average real earnings produced by the DPP in eight years was 35,876 NT in comparison with the Ma administration’s 34,326 NT.

All numbers seem to imply President Ma’s claim that KMT is better at handling the economy is a false belief.

With no sight of ECFA benefits, enterprises in Taiwan continue to see challenges ahead

2011-12-05T04:14:00.000-08:00

On Dec. 5, DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-Wen encountered a breakthrough when she stopped in Changhua to garner support from the local grassroots. The breakthrough came when Mr. Wei Ping-Chi, chairman of the hosiery industry union and former outspoken advocate of President Ma Ying-Jeou’s Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) policy, led many of his fellow union workers in an unexpected act of delivering Tsai Ing-Wen a few of her own piggy banks along with a message of hopeful expectation.

As CEO of well-known luxury hosiery brand Fu Chu Knitting Co. Ltd., Mr. Wei had previously allowed Ma to shoot a short film in his factory about the benefits of ECFA. Last April, he even personally stepped up to advocate for the economic agreement in an advertisement produced by the Ministry of Economic Affairs. At the televised-premiere press conference of the commercial, Mr. Wei confessed that he was worried about the reaction because his union had yet to come to a unanimous decision about ECFA. However, his desire to pursue his instinct and conscience ultimately won out against his fear of repercussions, and he agreed to personally endorse the signing of agreement.

At the press event this December, Mr. Wei pointed out that Taiwan’s hosiery industry was facing challenges from both the Chinese and Korean markets, and that he saw no improvements on the issue after Taiwan signed the agreement with China.

Mr. Wei said that he had, on multiple occasions, attempted to convey his anxiety to the government but received nothing in response. He said he now believes that if Chair Tsai, an experienced negotiator of international affairs, were elected as president, she would easily eliminate the roadblocks encountered by the Taiwanese hosiery industry.

Chair Tsai stated that, under the framework of globalization, many small and medium-sized business are no longer able to hold their own. In the past, the government has been able to improve upon situations through forms of counseling, but this is no longer an option. When she becomes president, stated Chair Tsai, she promises to build a team of professional negotiators specialized to help businesses overcome hurdles on the stage of international trade talks.

In a statement released on Dec. 6, Mr. Wei stated that his viewpoints on all previous issues have not wavered, but in the face of business interests, party politics should be set aside.

Tsai Ing-wen: governments must explore, develop international markets to further incorporate Taiwan into world

2011-12-05T01:11:00.000-08:00

DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai ing-wen attended the opening ceremony of “Together we stand – National Support Group for Tsai & Su” in Taichung City on Dec. 4. In her remarks, she addressed the need to utilize Taiwan’s economic advantage to explore and develop international markets and international space for Taiwan in order to gain recognition and to further incorporate Taiwan into the world.

More than two thousand members attended the event, including legislative candidates for Taichung City Li Shun-liang, Hsieh Ming-yuan, Lin Chia-lung, Chang Liao Wan-chien, and many other party members.

In her remarks, Chair Tsai mentioned that when returning to power in 2012, the DPP will allow the world to see Taiwan on the international stage. She cited the example of Taiwan’s non-governmental organizations and its volunteers, which she said are among the world’s best, if not the best, and she said she believed that this is where Taiwan’s advantage lies. Therefore, she said that Taiwan must utilize this advantage it has to gain recognition globally for other nations to see what Taiwan’s values are, how it differs from China’s, and why the world must work together to protect these values that make Taiwanese proud.

“This is an obligation for a leader of a country”, Chair Tsai firmly stated.

Chair Tsai said that from mid 1980s to 2000, her fifteen years of experience in international negotiation led her to discover that there are plenty more international markets for Taiwan to explore and to develop. She expressed Taiwan’s need to employ our economic strength to further extend our international markets and space, and to put Taiwan in a position to lead discussions on shared international issues.

“Taiwan has its own position, with our own thoughts,” she said. “We have Taiwanese values, and together we should defend it.”

Moreover, Chair Tsai criticized the current administration’s lack of discussion on their achievements, instead bombarding people with perplexing numbers that are not only impossible to understand but also difficult to relate to. Additionally, Chair Tsai added that the current president should focus more on the long-term policies and infrastructure instead of constantly attacking the opposition.

“This does not make his track records better, nor does it make his polling numbers better”, she said.

She further noted that if the current government only focuses on criticizing the opposition party, then “this kind of administration would be more suitable as the opposition party instead of the ruling party”. She emphasized that she will bring in a genuine ruling party that will be able to understand the people’s needs and how to solve these problems.

The presidential candidate also attended “Students for Tsai Ing-wen” right after the opening ceremony and met with 120 students. During her speech, she explained that there is more to the democratic process than just voting, and that it is also about participating and following the process of election.

During the gathering with the students, Chair Tsai addressed the government’s responsibility to assist the next generation to take charge of the future.

In response to questions regarding youth employment, Chair Tsai recommended the students to prepare themselves and to further understand the job market’s demand in order to evaluate their own marketable values. She also suggested to the students that regardless of which major the students choose to study, they should also study business management and other management courses.

When asked about the high cost of education, the tuition and student loans, Chair Tsai stated that she will gradually increase the attendance rate of public universities, hoping to have 50% of all undergraduate students attend public universities. As for student loans, since income is usually unstable the first few years after graduation, she proposed to have national credit institutions as guarantors to prolong repayment and to reduce the accumulation of interests by imposing a limit on the interest calculation period.

Tsai Ing-wen: allow Taipei to become a warm, personable, caring modern city

2011-12-04T02:33:00.000-08:00

DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen held a large meeting outside of the election headquarters in Taipei on December 4. Despite the chilly weather, twenty-thousand people showed up early in the morning to passionately support Tsai Ing-wen and the vice presidential candidate Su Jia-chyuan.

An elderly 80 year-old grandmother who had difficulty walking donated a “black piggy bank”, which deeply touched Tsai. In her speech, Chair Tsai reiterated her position on urban renewal, social housing, and long-term care, hoping that in the future Taipei will become an even more modern city that is warm, personable, and caring. In her speech, she said that she hopes to see Taipei restored to the city she recalls from her childhood.

Chair Tsai expressed that Taipei holds an important place in the history of the DPP’s development. She said that the Tangwai movement era, formation of a political party, and several significant elections all occurred in Taipei. The DPP produced its first Taipei mayor, a joint effort by Taipei citizens. Although many people say that Taipei is not the DPP’s place, Tsai said she wanted to tell everyone that Taipei is truly where the DPP developed and matured and the DPP should continue its growth and transform itself into a strong political party in Taipei, she said.

In a sorrowful tone, Chair Tsai continued on how in these past ten years, Taipei has become a place where only the rich live. This is not the place that she remembers from her childhood, she said. However after fifty years of development, she said that Taipei has turned into a place where only the rich can afford to live in. The elderly, middle-aged, and young people, as well as the underprivileged, should have the right to remain in Taipei.

“This is what I want to accomplish,” said Tsai. “I want to restore Taipei to the city I remember from my childhood”.

She also emphasized that the president should be responsible in leading the transformation of Taipei into a more open, tolerant city.

Chair Tsai promised that after she is elected, the government will lead city renewals. She reiterated that after she is president, she will establish a central committee whose main responsibility is the renewal and development of cities. In the future, Taipei and New Taipei City will create and become a tolerant, fair metropolis that everyone can equally partake in—a true realization of just living standards.

Following, Chair Tsai stated that certain places in Taipei have been over-crowded, which the city must work on reducing with New Taipei City. She said that she believed that all of Taiwan’s economic and social structures need to undergo change to allow balanced developments among regions, narrowing the gap between cities and rural areas. Taiwan will become a more balanced country where everyone can share the fruits of economic development, and others will no longer view Taipei as a city with special privileges, she said.

Aside from renewal of Taipei and other cities, Tsai Ing-wen also raised that the young, old, and underprivileged need to be able to feel at ease and secure living in Taipei. Therefore, she advocated social housing. She said that as housing prices soar, young people cannot afford a house, old people cannot bear the burden, and the poor cannot live here. Thus, the government must take responsibility and provide social housing for these people, a place where they can settle down and pursue their lives.

Chair Tsai also mentioned that the government must construct a complete long-term care system. The government will allocate resources to a system that will help everyone in society who needs care. She emphasized that every modern country must have welfare services, especially for the elderly, disabled, or young mothers who need day-care services. She hopes that in the future, the government will provide the necessary resources and manpower to create a system in which the community can care for each other. Chair Tsai finished her remarks on emphasizing that this is her vision for the next fifty years in Taipei.

DPP Symposium: encouraging Taiwanese youth to take on entrepreneurship

2011-12-03T04:17:00.000-08:00

DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-Wen attended her third “Ing’s Policy Salon” on Dec. 2, during which she answered questions and discussed much-debated topics such as tuition and employment.

Chair Tsai encouraged the young generation to start their own enterprises, saying that it is also the government’s responsibility to actively promote young entrepreneurs. She suggested that not only should the administration provide start-up loans, but they should also create a system of support to help guide young enterprises with industrial structure to lower risks.

The symposium was titled “Changing the Present – Letting Our Youth See the Future”, and it took place at the Taipei Mayor’s Salon, with a crowd of twenty-two people, composed largely of college students. During the event, Chair Tsai first announced her youth policy then answered five questions posed by participants during the Q&A session.

On this day before the Presidential Candidate Debate, youth volunteers from the support group "Students for Tsai Ing-wen" presented information they had collected and amassed into four scrolls, given to Chair Tsai as a present by four female students. The scrolls touched on topics such as "high tuition prices", "high real estate prices", "low youth employment rates", "high youth job-loss rates", and the "unclear future of the nation", hoping that Chair Tsai could address these issues at the debate.

Chair Tsai stressed the importance of creating equal opportunities for students in the pursuit of their educational careers, and indicated her plan to adjust the ratio of private and public universities as not to allow the differing of admission rates based on family backgrounds. She also doesn’t hope for students to feel the necessity to travel far from their homes for school, and expects schools to reserve a certain number of spots for admission of local students.

Tsai thinks that student loans should allow for the state to establish trust funds as a guarantee, to lower familial economic pressure and prevent recent college graduates from succumbing to the stress of repaying their debts before securing a stable income. Regarding the problem of student residences, Tsai plans on constructing dormitories on public lands and hopes to reach the quota of sixty percent. She also expects to offer either free room & board or a NT$3,000 per month subsidy for students from disadvantaged families.

The topic social residential policy was also brought up, wherein they plan to build social residences in the metropolitan areas which will be offered only for lease and not for sale; this policy will hopefully make the city a more plausible residence option for the younger generation. Chair Tsai said she hopes that social residences of this fashion will one day take up ten percent of all Taiwanese residential buildings, and that medium and long term plans can be constructed to offer to students as a way out of the skyrocketing real estate prices.

Additionally, Tsai also indicated that Taiwan should model itself after the European system of social benefits in order to employ public spaces for use of nurseries and day cares with government-provided services. This would allow for the administration to develop the foundations for a system of child care through government-operated or non-profit organizations, which would not only assure quality but also make the services affordable to young parents.

Chou Wei-Hsun, a student of political science at Soochow University, expressed concerns on how to solve the youth unemployment crisis. The solution, said Tsai, was to create a liaison between the younger generation and industries. She said that industries have to work on quality control, to better provide employment options for the youth. She further said that schools can also work to cooperate with industries in helping students make connections with local business, facilitating the post-graduation job hunt. She also encouraged students to explore options before acquiring their degree, otherwise they may face a two to three year hiatus before finding employment, she said.

In real estate agent Hsu Shih-Ying’s question, she reflected upon the inability of the younger generations to afford houses, to which Tsai professed her worries about the unreasonably high prices of real estate. She hopes to lower housing costs and implement the social residency policy to help ameliorate the conditions by using public societal residences built on public lands and by renovating older communities. Because social residences will be only available for lease, the private market will not affect the prices, leaving housing more affordable for lower incomes.

Concerning the views of Lin Yu-Chan, a student of political science at Tamkang University, on talent nurturing, Tsai stated that there are flaws in the current educational system. Many businesses are having difficulty finding people, and vice versa, in the complex job market, which calls for a necessary change in the policies of many universities. She presses for college students to begin planning their futures and keep an eye out for opportunities while they are still in school, and put whatever free time they have to good use and to re-educate themselves. Tsai also states that the government should aid students with business liaisons to facilitate the transition.

Regarding an inquiry on how to decrease the resource gap between public and private universities, Chair Tsai promised to augment the number of public universities, allowing for more student attendance public schools and the lowering of tuition fees for private universities. Underprivileged students will also be offered grants to compensate for their economic difficulties.

Tsai Ing-wen hosts press conference after first presidential debate

2011-12-03T02:31:00.000-08:00

On Dec. 3, DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen held a press conference after the first presidential debate that took place between the DPP, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the People’s First Party (PFP) candidates organized by Taiwan Public Television in Taipei City.

Accompanied by DPP Legislative Caucus Convener Ker Chien-ming, Professor Chen Po-chih, and Spokespeople Chen Chi-mai and Cheng Li-chiun, Chair Tsai delivered a short briefing regarding the debates and answered questions by the media.

Chair Tsai first said that she was quite happy to see the issue of “Taiwan Consensus” receive wide attention and discussion during the debates. She said that she believed the “Taiwan Consensus” is a process of integration and that it was the responsibility of a president to obtain consensus among the public. She promised that, for this very reason, if elected president next year, she plans to invite President Ma Ying-jeou and PFP Chairman James Soon to participate in the discussion for consensus gathering.

Chair Tsai emphasized that democracy has already become the collective method of livelihood among the Taiwanese people. She further said that besides the whole nation paying close attention to this presidential debate, China was also watching closely. She stressed that in order for cross strait relations to become stable for the long-term, she would only use the consensus formed by the Taiwanese people as a foundation.

Following Chair Tsai’s briefing, the media asked questions concerning the debate. Among the questions, she was asked to respond to President Ma’s concerns regarding some members of Former President Chen Shui-bian’s administrative team being a part of her campaign team. She responded that President Ma should reflect on the shortcomings of his own team, which is one that has been distant from the people’s feelings.

In regards to granting amnesty to Former President Chen, Chair Tsai expressed that only after a verdict has been given on the case, the issue of amnesty should be discussed. She then said that President Ma also responded the same way in 2008.

Democracy & Progress November 2011

2011-11-30T06:04:00.001-08:00

Democracy & Progress November 2011 (Click here to view)

Tsai Ing-wen's interview with TIME Magazine

2011-11-28T00:28:00.000-08:00

Exclusive: TIME Meets Taiwan Presidential Hopefuls Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen

Read more: http://globalspin.blogs.time.com/2011/11/25/exclusive-time-meets-taiwan-presidential-hopefuls-ma-ying-jeou-and-tsai-ing-wen/#ixzz1ezEoQtMs

Posted by TIME.com Friday, November 25, 2011 at 12:20 pm

This is a guest post from Asia Editor Zoher Abdoolcarim.

The presidency of Taiwan is an underrated yet critical job whose impact extends beyond the shores of the island. Taiwan is regarded by Beijing as a renegade province that must return to the mainland, by force if necessary. Indeed, China has, by some estimates, nearly 2,000 missiles pointed at Taiwan. Washington is obliged, through Congress's 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, to help arm the island—a commitment that brings the U.S. into potential conflict with China. During Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou's first four-year term, however, relations between Taipei and Beijing have been the warmest since the Nationalists lost to the Communists in 1949 and decamped to Taiwan. The two governments abide by the notion of “one China,” the definition of which they deliberately leave vague so as to reduce bilateral tension. Ma, 61, has developed reciprocal trade, investment and banking ties with the mainland. Academic and cultural exchanges have become commonplace. An average of 3200 Chinese tourists visit Taiwan daily. There are now even direct flights between cities on both sides of the strait.

Yet, as Taiwan gears up for its Jan. 14 presidential election, Ma—leader of the Grand Old Party of Taiwan, the Kuomintang (KMT)—is struggling to keep power. His China policy has brought stability to Taiwan. The economy rebounded in 2010 with GDP growth of 10.8% after shrinking in 2009, and is forecast to grow 4.5% this year. Inflation is under 2% and unemployment just a tick over 4%. These are figures that any Western country today would die for. But many Taiwan citizens think Ma has sold out the island to China, pandered to the establishment, particularly big business, and devoted insufficient attention to income inequality. That's why voter polls have Ma in a statistical dead heat with his chief opponent Tsai Ing-wen, 55, head of the opposition Democratic Progressive Party. When led by former president Chen Shui-bian, the DPP defied Beijing by advocating independence. Under Tsai, the DPP has moderated its China stance; it has also tackled internal party corruption, and focused on the grassroots, especially livelihood, issues, thereby boosting its popularity.

Though Ma and Tsai are rivals, they have much in common: both are confident, articulate, well-traveled and well-educated (he has a doctorate from Harvard, she from LSE)—traits any electorate anywhere would want in its leaders. Beijing, however, views Tsai as, at worst, unfriendly to the mainland and, at best, an unknown quantity over cross-strait relations. The U.S. says it respects Taiwan's democracy and the voice of its people. But Washington is also wary about Tsai and the possibility that the U.S. may be dragged in if she picks a fight with Beijing if elected. In short, like Beijing, Washington prefers that the status quo.

TIME's Zoher Abdoolcarim and Natalie Tso spoke recently with Ma and Tsai in separate interviews in Taipei about the presidential race and the triangle that is China, Taiwan and the U.S. Here are some highlights:

Tsai Ing-wen

TIME: Why should you be elected?

Tsai: Because I am the better leader ... I want to make a difference. The way the government conducts its business has to be changed. The leader has to be someone who has that sort of determination, and we do not see this kind of determination in the current president.

Given that Taiwan has not suffered any great disaster, the incumbent would normally have the advantage. But the polls are very close. Why?

He is not enjoying this advantage. People are not happy with the way government resources are being distributed. The wealth gap is bothering a lot of people. People want a fairer government, a fairer president to reallocate the resources of the government. The No. 1 problem people are facing is looking for a job that he or she likes. The president is apparently very proud of what he has done in the cross-strait area, but there are lots of people who are unhappy with how he conducts business in this area too.

How would you handle cross-strait relations differently?

[Ma] believes that the way to rescue the economy here is to get closer to China. He wants to get concessions, he wants to get benefits from China, and so he fools himself to accept the political conditions set by the Chinese. China knows it very well, and while they are giving all these concessions to us, they want something in return. If we want to have peaceful relations with China, that is fine. But if the way you keep peace and stability in a relationship is to move Taiwan closer and closer to China while China is still a very much an authoritarian regime—it is not a democracy yet, not a decent market economy—there are a lot of risks involved. A lot of people are concerned that we are moving so close and so quickly to China that we would at some point pass the point of no return, meaning the only way, the only option is to be with China in the future rather than being on our own. Many people here still want to have that option open because they haven't made up their mind yet. As a democracy, the leader cannot make this vital decision for the people.

Do you accept that engagement with China is essential for Taiwan, as it is for any government, economy or society anywhere?

We should have a normal relationship with them; by normal I mean we follow international rules and use multilateral frameworks to form our relationship in trade and economic areas. We treat China as a normal trading and economic partner.

The U.S. seems to prefer, in terms of its relations with Beijing, the status quo: Ma. What is the sense you got when you recently went to Washington D.C.?

My sense is that, of course, there are some people in the government in Washington D.C. who have a certain preference, but I was told, repeatedly, by different agencies of the U.S. government that this is not their official position.

You have been a head of Taiwan's Mainland Affairs Council. The Chinese know you, and you know them. Do the Chinese have a more sophisticated understanding now of the complexities in Taiwan than before?

They have a better understanding of what we are and what we are after, but it is still not enough. Sometimes they have difficulty interpreting the events here correctly. And sometimes they would tend to use the interpretation by the KMT's politicians or supporters.

How important is the U.S. relationship to you?

It is a very, very important factor. We need the market there, the technology, the business network. Politically, of course, the U.S., despite the flaws in its systems, is still a democracy—we like to associate with democracies. And strategically, the U.S. is a counter-balance to China, a rising China that is not yet a democracy. We are not facing China alone; we are facing China together with a lot of other people in the region.

-With reporting from Natalie Tso

Tsai Ing-wen's Remarks at the 2011 AmCham Annual General Meeting

2011-11-22T06:25:00.000-08:00

DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate delivered a speech at the 2011 Annual General Meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce in Taiwan (AmCham). Below are her remarks:

Introduction

Good afternoon, President Andrea Wu, ladies and gentlemen, it is my great pleasure to be invited here by the American Chamber of Commerce to share my thoughts with you on the future challenges and opportunities facing Taiwan and Taiwan’s bilateral relations with the US. I see many friends and familiar faces in the audience today. Friends and people I have met over the last two decades either as a trade negotiator, or in my capacity as a minister, vice premier, or as a politician. It is my honor to be speaking to you today as the presidential candidate representing the Democratic Progressive Party, the DPP.

Background

The friendship between Taiwan and the US dates back six decades. Over the sixty years, Taiwan and the US have not only been national security partners but the US is also one of Taiwan’s key economic and trading partners. The US government, as well as US businesses, have become our partners and our strongest support in managing globalization strategically.

In the aftermath of the global financial crisis in 2008, nations around the world have undergone major changes. Many of them are experiencing the pain of economic re-balancing and structural adjustment. The global financial and economic orders are also yet to be fully re-constructed. We are facing unprecedented challenges. Despite the challenges, the Asia Pacific region, especially Asia, has demonstrated relative vitality and the potential for growth in the global economic downturn. We can foresee the region becoming the engine of global economic revitalization and the center of future development. In recent months, we are pleased to note that the US has pledged to increase its engagement with the region and expressed its determination to have more active presence in Asia. With the long-time tradition of the friendship and close business cooperation shared between Taiwan and the US, Taiwan will remain as an essential and crucial partner of the US in the region. We look forward to exploring ways of furthering our relationship and to developing a new strategic partnership.

Taiwan will hold its presidential election in January 2012. President Ma, like myself, has stressed the importance of the Taiwan-US relationship, and in particular, the balance in the trilateral relationship between Taiwan, US, and China; I must point out that since 2008, under the Ma administration, the speed of the development between Taiwan and China have far out-paced the relationship between Taiwan and the US. Restoring the balance in the trilateral relationship would be one of my key tasks in managing our external relations when I am elected president.

Close and Stable Taiwan-US Relations

I, like the majority of the Taiwanese people, cherish and value the close and stable US-Taiwan relationship we have always shared.

In the area of regional security, since the 1950s, the defense assistance provided by the US has been the bedrock for maintaining stability in the Taiwan Strait. This security provided an environment free from Chinese military threats and allowed the people of Taiwan to pursue economic prosperity and universal values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights. With this, I wish to thank the continuing support from members of the AMCHAM for arms sales to Taiwan.

In the area of Taiwan-US economic relations, our partnership has evolved from the early days of US economic assistance in the 1950s, to the US becoming Taiwan’s largest trading partner and destination for our exported goods in the 1980s. Back then, almost half of our total export value was destined for the US. Today, the US remains our third largest trading partner. In 2010, trade between the two sides was valued at 56.8 billion US dollars. The economic importance of US to Taiwan actually far exceeds what the trade figures suggest.

The importance of the Taiwan-US business partnership can be illustrated by Taiwan’s role as the world’s leading IT supplier. Taiwan and US companies, along with Taiwan businesses in China, have successfully and firmly established an irreplaceable strategic business alliance in the IT industry, by “connecting the vast marketplaces and digital powerhouses of the US with the enormous manufacturing centers of China”, as described in a 2005 Business Week article and which remains just as true today.

Towards a New Strategic Partnership

I wish to use the opportunity today to point out that this is the best timing for furthering and developing a new strategic partnership between Taiwan and the US.

The financial crisis, coupled with the sovereign debt crisis, have led governments to realize that traditional monetary and financial policies are no longer sufficient tools in managing growing unemployment and re-building the economy. The only possible solution left for global economic recovery is to find new engines for economic growth and development.

Global trends are beginning to show that harnessing Asia’s growth and dynamism and broadening cooperation with the region would be the key to leading the global economy forward. The US government has stressed the importance of the region and recent statements and actions by President Obama and Secretary Hilary Clinton have reflected the move in this direction. This is also a time when Taiwan is seeking to re-position itself in light of global economic and political re-structuring. At this critical juncture, I wish to call on establishing a new strategic partnership between Taiwan and the US for the following reasons:

One, both Taiwan and the US share common interest in, and responsibility for regional security and stability. Particularly with the rise of China, Taiwan and the US need to have even closer and stronger cooperation, in order to jointly maintain peace, stability, and prosperity in the region.

Second, for decades, Taiwan and the US have both been firm believers in, and committed to the principles of free trade. Taiwan has always kept pace with the US in forming its trading rules and regulations. This common basis allows greater room for cooperation when working towards establishing a trading order for the region.

Third, Taiwan and US’s tradition of business partnership will be mutually beneficial in exploring new and emerging markets, particularly for markets in this region. This has been demonstrated in the alliance for the IT-industry, with future opportunities including development of new and emerging industries, green industries, biotechnology, alternative energy, and so forth. There is much room for cooperation and mutual benefit. The traditional close business relationship and cooperation will help us explore new and emerging markets, particularly China, Southeast Asia, India, and even Central and South America. By taking advantage of the business alliance between Taiwan and US, we can be key contributors in the global economic recovery.

Future of Taiwan-US Relations

The future of the new strategic partnership would need efforts from both sides particularly on the following areas:

First of all, a peaceful and stable cross-strait relationship is key to continuing Taiwan and US relations. When I am elected president next year, I will place great effort in maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. This is my responsibility towards the 23 million people in Taiwan, and our responsibility as a member of the Asia Pacific region.

All indicators show that the presidential election will be a very close race. There is a real possibility that I will win. We understand that there are some people are worried about our victory. I will do what we can, without compromising Taiwan’s fundamental interests, to ease tensions and foster an atmosphere where dialogue and interaction is possible.

We are aware that cross-strait relations are a very important public policy matter, but in this election, there are other issues that are equally, if not more, important. These are issues relating to wealth gap, jobs, and the economy. Out of Taiwan’s long-term interest, my approach on cross-strait policy, during and after the election, is to build consensus, instead of driving a partisan wedge between different groups in Taiwan. In other words, we will not use cross-strait relations as a campaign tool. Our partisan differences in this election will be highlighted more in domestic policies.

Although there are constraints on our interactions with Chinese interlocutors during the election, we will be proactive in seeking dialogue and stabilizing the relationship immediately following the election, and throughout the transition period.

Secondly, in the area of Taiwan and US trade relations, I will pursue free trade policies and objectives, which I believe are the common goals shared by our two sides. I wish to point out that the Ma administration, over the past three years, has only actively pursued trade relations with China, the relationship was taken a step further with the signing of ECFA in June 2010. By contrast, over the last three years, Taiwan-US trade relations remained at a standstill.

Many of you would know that Taiwan’s keenest competitor in global trade is the Republic of Korea. It brings me much worry to see the signing and coming into effect of the FTAs between the EU and the Republic of Korea as well as the FTA between the US and the Republic of Korea. At the same time, there is little progress in the signing of FTAs between Taiwan and the US or any other major trading partner. I fully agree with AMCHAM’s continuing call on Taiwan concerning the importance of developing balanced trade relations. In this regard, there has not been much progress in the trade discussion between Taiwan and the US.

The DPP’s position has been that the US should take the lead in creating an APEC-based free trade agreement for the region, which would, of course, include Taiwan. I am, therefore, pleased to note that the US is spearheading the Trans Pacific Partnership (that is, the “TPP”) amongst APEC economies. When I visited the US last September, the issue of the TPP was also raised in some meetings. The TPP has high standards for entry and we must have the determination to prepare ourselves to join. Despite the Ma government’s recent announcement of the intention to join the TPP, we have yet to see the necessary determination and preparation made to facilitate such an effort.

In the “Ten Year Policy Platform” of the DPP, we recognized the immediate need to carry-out structural adjustment to the economy. We have a much more government involvement approach in helping the R&D phase of startups; in introducing focused programs to develop and modernize the agricultural sector; and in building infrastructure for developing close links between industries and local economies, and for accelerating the emergence of new industries, which include among others R&D as an industry of its own, green energy, long-term care and medical care. The aim is to improve our international competitiveness, and to create quality job opportunities. These policies will not only breathe new life into the Taiwan economy, but also will better prepare Taiwan for further liberalization of its markets in light of globalization. It is my belief that when DPP returns to the government, we will, in the shortest time possible, prepare Taiwan for joining the TPP. At the same time, we remain hopeful that the US and members of AMCHAM will provide us with the full support in working towards the common goal of a Taiwan-US FTA and membership in the TPP.

In addition, I should strengthen and promote Taiwan and US exchanges. We should be enhancing the function and operation of TIFA and, on this basis, establish mechanisms to facilitate regular visits between high-level officials; not only would this be conducive to resolving outstanding issues, but it would contribute to furthering communication and understanding between the two sides for the way forward.

It is, therefore, important to take action as soon as possible to resolve some of the outstanding disputes in our trade relationship, so that there will be opportunities to build on TIFA and to move forward from there.

Once elected, I will proactively manage the political complications arising from certain existing bilateral trade issues, so as to minimize the impact on our trade relationship with the US. They must be settled with the best long-term interests of the Taiwanese people in mind, which involves more open and closer trade relations with the US.

We will take steps to facilitate the mobility of international professionals and senior managerial personnel in and out of Taiwan, which we understand is an area that has concerned AMCHAM. Taiwan has a need for quality talent but we must first remove current administrative and legal constraints. Under the Ma government, the number of foreign laborers increased by 16 percent compared to that of 2007. However, by contrast, the number of international professionals decreased by 8 percent during the same period. This trend is taking us in the opposite direction of upgrading the quality of our human capital. Therefore, I propose introducing special regulations, or even legislation, to remove obstacles preventing the entry of senior experts and professionals.

Closing

When the DPP was in the government, Taiwan and the US enjoyed direct communication with each other, working together in resolving trade issues and developing mutual understanding. I wish to take this opportunity to re-assure you that when the DPP is in the government again, the team will place quality communication as its highest priority. At the same time, I am confident that communications between the DPP government, and the US government and AMCHAM will much improve so that AMCHAM’s current complaints on government efficiency will be reduced drastically. I mean drastically.

I am confident that I’m going to win the presidential election next year. I am looking forward to a prosperous future for Taiwan and US relations, particularly in establishing a new strategic partnership. I am hopeful that we will be moving towards furthering and deepening our relationship, creating greater mutual benefits between Taiwan and the US and creating greater benefits for the Asia Pacific region.

Thank you, and I wish you all good health and prosperity.

Thank you.

DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen's Interview with Bloomberg, Nov. 16, 2011

2011-11-18T03:39:00.000-08:00

Tsai Ing-wen, the former academic seeking to become Taiwan’s first woman president, signaled she will avoid antagonizing China if elected after a predecessor’s push for independence led to eight years of tensions.

“I am not known as a provocative person,” Tsai, 55, who is bidding to return the Democratic Progressive Party to power after Chen Shui-bian left office in 2008, said in an interview in Taipei yesterday. “The DPP is a very different party now.”

Tsai has erased the lead of Nationalist party incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in a poll conducted by Taiwan’s largest cable-TV operator as a widening wealth gap and high property prices spur voter discontent. A win for Tsai in the Jan. 14 election would risk disrupting closer ties with China that helped power Taiwan’s recovery from the global recession.

China regards Taiwan, ruled separately since a civil war ended in 1949, as its own territory and was enraged when the DPP’s Chen pushed for recognition as a sovereign nation during his presidency. Tsai has eschewed talk of independence for the island of 23 million during her campaign, focusing on domestic issues and criticizing the pace of Ma’s push to forge closer economic links with China.

“Tsai is trying to set a moderate tone and distinguish herself from Chen Shui-bian,” said Douglas Paal, vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. “She knows outright bolts toward independence are no longer in the cards but she cannot afford to alienate fundamentalists.”

As president, Tsai would face the task of reviving a Taiwan economy that grew at the slowest pace in two years last quarter as the global recovery weakened, while handling relations with a rising economic and military power that has described her policies as “unacceptable.”

‘Sinner of 1,000 Years’

The former professor at National Chengchi University in Taipei, who has a doctorate in law from the London School of Economics, helped author the “state-to-state relations” doctrine for former President Lee Teng-hui in 1999 that led China to brand him “a rat” and “the sinner of 1,000 years,” and cut off dialogue with the island.

“A peaceful relationship would serve both sides,” Tsai said in the interview at the party’s campaign headquarters. “The DPP has transformed itself into a party that is more focused on social economic issues. The Chinese would have to understand this.”

China’s military had as many as 1,200 short-range ballistic missiles deployed opposite Taiwan as of December, according to an annual review by the U.S. Defense Department. China’s government has threatened to invade should Taiwan declare formal independence.

China’s Military

“The Chinese military build-up has become a concern for all the countries in the region,” said Tsai. “If China is a democracy, maybe we will be less concerned but it is not yet a democracy.”

U.S. President Barack Obama said in Australia yesterday that budget cuts won’t reduce the nation’s military commitment to the Asia-Pacific region. The U.S., which has a commitment to supply weapons to Taiwan for self-defense under a 1979 law, agreed in September to provide upgrades for the island’s fleet of Lockheed Martin Corp. (LMT) F-16 fighters. It rejected a request by Ma’s government to sell Taiwan more advanced F-16 jets.

“We always want to have more effective defense systems,” Tsai said. “It is not a matter of us trying to have a military confrontation with China but a matter of defending ourselves and increasing our leverage when facing China negotiations.”

Giving China Leverage

Taiwan’s security has regional ramifications, she said.

“Defending Taiwan is a matter for the Taiwan people, but it is also a matter for the rest of Asia because Taiwan is a democracy and nobody in Asia wants to see a democracy falling into the hands of a superpower which is not a democracy.”

Tsai contends that Ma’s push for closer economic links across the 130-kilometer Taiwan Strait risks giving China more political leverage over its former civil-war adversary.

“China shouldn’t be the only focus of our economic thinking,” Tsai said. “There is the rest of the world we have to deal with.” China, she said, “is still a place subject to a lot of uncertainty, and a source of uncertainty for many economies.”

Under Ma, 61, Taiwan relaxed trade, travel and investment restrictions, and ended a six-decade ban on mainland Chinese visitors to the island. The rapprochement helped economic growth rebound to 13.6 percent in the first quarter of 2010, the fastest pace in more than 30 years.

Chinese tourist numbers jumped 68 percent to 1.63 million last year, overtaking Japan as the island’s biggest source of visitors and spurring hotel groups including Marriott International Inc. and Starwood Hotels & Resorts Worldwide Inc. (HOT) to expand.

China Trade

Last year, the government signed its first trade accord with China, the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, which will cut tariffs and increase access to services including banking, insurance and securities.

Tsai said the ECFA will need “constant review” and any changes will follow the “democratic process.” Tsai rallied more than 100,000 people to oppose the accord in 2009, which Ma’s administration said will help create more than 260,000 jobs and boost economic growth by 1.65 to 1.72 percentage points annually.

The island’s benchmark Taiex stock index has slumped 18 percent this year after investors pared bets on emerging markets. The Taiwan dollar has weakened about 6 percent since reaching a 13-year high in May. The Taiex fell 1.5 percent as of 11:32 a.m. local time today, while the Taiwan dollar weakened 0.1 percent to NT$30.225.

Tsai Rebuilds

Tsai has rebuilt the DPP’s popularity, which slumped during Chen’s second term. The former president was re-elected narrowly in 2004 after surviving an assassination attempt that his opponents said was faked. He was later jailed for corruption. Ma defeated DPP candidate Frank Hsieh by 58 percent to 42 percent in 2008.

Ma’s lead against Tsai has evaporated, a poll by the Taipei-based TVBS Poll Center showed yesterday. The two were tied at 39 percent, compared with 38 percent for Ma versus Tsai’s 34 percent on Oct. 15. The margin of error was 2.7 percentage points, according to a press release. James Soong, chairman of the People First Party, had 9 percent support, down from 15 percent, the statement said.

“It’s an extremely close election,” said Bonnie Glaser, a China specialist at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. “The biggest problem is that the mainland associates Tsai Ing-wen with the state-to-state doctrine. So they are very suspicious of her.”

Wealth Gap

A spokesman for China’s Taiwan Affairs Office said in August that cross-Strait negotiations would be “impossible to continue” if Tsai’s policies are implemented.

While cross-Strait relations are at their warmest in six decades under Ma, a widening income gap and surging home prices have eroded support for his administration. Household income adjusted for inflation was lower in 2010 than in 2000, even as the economy was 46 percent bigger. The average price of an existing home in Taipei was a record NT$571,000 ($18,900) per ping, equivalent to 36 square feet, in September, according to Sinyi Realty Co. (9940), the island’s biggest real-estate brokerage.

Tsai blamed the government’s decision to cut the inheritance tax for exacerbating wealth inequality and said she would introduce social housing programs.

“Ma and his campaign team fail to sell on domestic issues,” said Shih Cheng-chuan, a professor of international affairs at Tamkang University in Taipei. “People don’t feel the benefits of the double-digit economic growth.”

Taiwan Native

Taipei-born Tsai, the youngest of four children, has emphasized her local ethnic roots. By contrast, Hong Kong-born Ma leads a party that retreated to Taiwan in 1949 after being pushed out of the mainland by Mao Zedong’s advancing Communist forces.

Tsai, who cites former U.K. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and former U.S. President Ronald Reagan among global leaders she admires, said the election of Taiwan’s first woman president would set an example for China.

Women play a bigger role in Taiwanese politics, accounting for 10 of 48 ministerial-level cabinet posts in the island’s government, compared with four out of 35 for China’s State Council.

“This means we have overcome the historical burden that women aren’t supposed to go out to work and compete with men in society,” she said. “People in China should be inspired.”

To contact the reporters on this story: Chinmei Sung in Taipei at csung4@bloomberg.net; Matthew Brooker in Hong Kong at mbrooker1@bloomberg.net

To contact the editors responsible for this story: Peter Hirschberg at phirschberg@bloomberg.net; Adrian Kennedy at adkennedy@bloomberg.net

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Democracy & Progress October 2011

2011-10-28T00:57:00.001-07:00

Tsai Ing-wen at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan, Oct. 4, 2011

2011-10-03T22:19:00.000-07:00

DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen is visiting Japan from Oct. 3-5. Below are her remarks at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan.

To being with, I wish to give my thanks to the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan for hosting me again. This is my second time here, and I am honored to have this opportunity to speak again, not only as Chair of the Democratic Progressive Party, but as the party's presidential candidate. Today, I would like to address the Taiwan-Japan relationship, our approach to China, and our upcoming elections.

There are only a little more than three months ahead until the election, and many people ask me why I choose to travel at this time,to countries and places where most people cannot vote for me. The fact is, the DPP has always put great emphasis on our international relations, and our obligation to engage with the world does not stop during busy election times. Japan is one of Taiwan’s most important partners in the region, and although this is a short visit, it is a meaningful demonstration of our commitment to reinforcing our bilateral relationship.

Japan has a unique historical and cultural relationship with Taiwan. It continues to occupy a special place in the emotions of the Taiwanese people. Twelve years ago when Taiwan was hit by one of the most serious earthquakes in our history, Japanese rescue workers were the first foreigners to come to our assistance. Likewise when Japan suffered through the earthquake and tsunami disaster this March, the people of Taiwan grieved in sympathy with the Japanese people, and Taiwan’s private donations for aid and assistance to Japan were larger than any other country in the world.

It is often in times of tragedy that true friendship is demonstrated, and the affinity that exists between the peoples of Taiwan and Japan illustrates the tight relationship that our two countries share.

This relationship is molded through history, trade,culture, travel, and interpersonal interactions. But it is also based on common interests: We both have interests in maintaining peace and stability, in ensuring that democratic values flourish, and in promoting economic recovery and prosperity in the Asia Pacific region.

We are living in an increasingly complex world, where there are multiple global and internal challenges for all of us: Energy shortage, nuclear safety, the financial crisis, growth stagnation, income disparities, aging societies and the cost of social services, and new non-traditional security issues. At the same time, there are systemic changes where emerging powers may impact the US-led world order in ways that remain uncertain. It is obvious that these uncertainties transcend national boundaries and are increasingly complex, and any solutions must involve multi-lateral, multi-level cooperation.

Taiwan and Japan already have a profound and comprehensive relationship, but more efforts need to be invested in reinforcing our bilateral ties. Our hope is that these efforts must be strong and consistent regardless of which party is in government on either side. The DPP’s commitment to strengthening the relationship was demonstrated during the years that we were in government, but even in opposition, our interest and efforts in deepening the ties have not ceased. In particular, with regards to Japan we have emphasized the following elements (security,democracy, economy and trade, and travel and other areas of interaction) in our broader national security strategy:

1. Security

The first element I wish to raise is security. We see the Japan-US Security Alliance as a cornerstone for peace and stability in East Asia. Although we are not a formal part of this alliance, the strength and effectiveness of the alliance has a critical impact on our interests. We believe a strong alliance would serve to sustain a strategic balance in the region, as we are all facing the increasing challenge of an expanding and more aggressive Chinese military whose intentions are not entirely transparent. No country can cope with this challenge alone, and neither is an arms race in any party’s interest. It is therefore important to involve all parties to communicate and dialogue, to manage territorial disputes in a peaceful and rational way, to ensure the freedom of navigation, and to enhance transparency in military modernization. And while we all work to decrease the possibility of escalating tensions, it is important to always bear in mind that peace must be backed by strength and a commitment to enhancing our defense.

2. Democracy

The second element is democracy. Democracy and justice are common values that link our societies together. Democracy is the foundation for peace that allows our peoples to pursue prosperity and development in a free environment. Japan is the leading democracy in East Asia, and Taiwan is a new and maturing democracy. While we both face internal challenges and are working to enhance good and effective governance, we must also strengthen networks between democracies in Asia, and work to support the growth of civil societies in countries where democratic institutions are not yet in place.

3. Economy and trade

The third element is economy and trade. Taiwan’s economic relationship with Japan extends deep and back to the colonial days, when basic infrastructure was created to serve as a foundation for growth and development over the last century. In recent decades, industry and economy have evolved largely in a complementary way among our two societies,and the relationship has been one of mutual benefit. As economies around the world struggle to recover from the financial crisis, both our economies face internal challenges of creating new jobs and stimulating growth. Externally, we face a situation where the global axis of economic growth is shifting toward emerging powers, and we need to establish balanced economic relations where growth that is dependent on links with the emerging powers is balanced by adequate management of the risks. For example, in regards to our government’s signing ECFA, the trade agreement with China, many people in Taiwan have expressed concern that rapid integration without adequate global diversification would deepen Taiwan’s dependence on China. Therefore we seek to strengthen our economic links with other major partners, including Japan.

With Japan we already have a strong foundation, and we hope that Japan also understands that it is within our mutual interest to prevent the further marginalization of Taiwan, and to have Taiwan well integrated into the regional trade architecture that is being formed, whether it is an APEC-based free trade agreement or the TPP.

4. Other travel and interaction

The fourth element, in areas of travel and other interaction between Taiwan and Japan, the visa-free policy that was implemented a few years ago has brought our people closer together by making travel and engagement much more convenient. I think many Japanese visitors to Taiwan will realize that there is no other place in the world where Japanese soft power is so evident: in culture,sports, business practices, entertainment, food, technology, and so forth. Likewise, Taiwan also seeks to develop our global visibility through soft power and public diplomacy. The Taiwanese people are extremely diligent and creative, and when in government we will work to foster an environment where our films, music, culture, and products of invention can also be enjoyed by the Japanese people as much as possible.

Now, I wish to turn to cross-strait policy. Although I know it is much more appropriate to focus on Taiwan-Japan relations and our elections on this occasion, I know many of you would want to ask me about our approach toward China. So let me give you a brief introduction in the limited time we have.

The goal of managing relations with China is to maintain a peaceful and stable environment so that the Taiwanese people can have the opportunities to develop a prosperous economy, while preserving the hard-won political freedoms and way of living. Ultimately, we want to ensure that the right to determine Taiwan’s future rests in the hands of the people of Taiwan, and any change of the status quo must be agreed by the people of Taiwan through democratic means.

Our desire to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait is not only a commitment to the Taiwanese people. It is also our responsibility to the region. We believe the most realistic way forward is to reach a strategic understanding that recognizes differences while also allows for the pursuit of common interests (和而不同、和而求同) .

We acknowledge that Beijing insists on the “one China principle” as its fundamental position toward Taiwan. However, Beijing must also understand the reality that the Taiwanese people, having gone through the historical processes of freeing themselves from foreign rule and seeking democratization, are opposed to a one-party system and committed to upholding their sovereignty. The distinct positions, however, should not prevent the two sides from reaching a mutually beneficial arrangement where we can also pursue common interests, mainly,common interests in peace and development.

The DPP, as Taiwan’s first major native political party, is committed to defending Taiwan’s hard-earned democratic system and political freedoms, as well as the right of the Taiwanese people to decide their future. Democracy is not only an ideology. It is a way of life, and a constitutional obligation. Any president of Taiwan is bound by this constitutional obligation. Thus I have proposed a consensus-building process that is inclusive and democratic, to forma stronger foundation for engaging with China. One must recognize that any precondition for dialogue across the Strait that is not transparent and not in line with the democratic consensus of the Taiwanese people, will not be sufficient to deal with the complexities of the relationship.

I also believe that an approach that is backed by a democratic consensus-building process, representing the mainstream views of the Taiwanese people, would be much more stable and consistent in the long term.

We are not naïve about the existing differences across the Strait. But I believe if, there is a will, there is a way, as long as both sides are sincere about building a peaceful and stable framework for interaction. The current cross-strait stalemate is a product of the evolution of history, but the future of the relationship does not have to be a zero-sum scenario. I am willing to work with the leaders of Beijing, to seek a mutually beneficial,wise, and responsible way to move forward in the common interest of peaceful development.

There is no doubt that the Chinese are watching our elections closely. In the past, attempts to intervene in our elections have backfired. Observers or interested parties must have confidence in Taiwan’s democracy, in the people’s decision. There are many factors that influence the outcome of an election, and measuring the outcome of Taiwan’s elections as an indicator of the success or failure of a single policy, on the part of China, runs into the danger of miscalculation. I urge the Chinese leadership to better understand what elections mean for the people of Taiwan, and exercise greater flexibility and caution that would enable positive engagement with whomever that is elected in Taiwan in the future.

In fact, domestic social and economic issues have been dominating the campaign this time. Like in Japan, public anxieties over the economy, jobs, income disparities, and social services require urgent attention. Also like Japan, the issue of nuclear safety and the future of our energy policy will also be significant in the upcoming public policy debates. On this matter, the DPP has announced our goal of phasing out nuclear energy by the year 2025. This would require a massive effort and commitment to create the infrastructure for alternative and renewable energy sources. I believe this is an important area where our two countries can engage, jointly developing the technology and investment opportunities in the green energy sector.

These public policy issues will continue to be highlighted in the coming months, throughout the election. Our goal is to convince the Taiwanese people that the DPP is more progressive and forward-looking in our policies; that we are more accountable and responsive to the needs of the people; and that we are more competent and able to govern.

Over the years,the DPP has matured along with our democracy. Our eight years of experience in government, and the three years of reflection and hard work since 2008, have prepared us for the opportunity to come back to government again. It has not been easy to rebuild the trust of the people, but step by step we have done so.

Polls indicate that we are now neck-in-neck with the governing party, so the outcome is expected to be a very close race. But some things are for sure: Our people’s faith in the democratic system remains very strong; DPP’s supporters are both passionate and pragmatic; and our campaign team is unified and diligent. I am therefore confident that in just over three months, by March 2012, Taiwan will produce its first woman president. My victory will be a demonstration of the progressiveness and openness of Taiwan’s society, and we will cherish the people’s support and confidence by exercising responsible leadership and accountable government.

Thank you, I look forward to any questions or comments you may have.

Democracy & Progress September 2011

2011-10-02T20:02:00.001-07:00

DPP 25th Anniversary Reception for Foreign Diplomats and Representatives - Sept. 28, 2011

2011-09-28T00:43:00.000-07:00

DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen spoke to members of the foreign diplomatic community at a reception to celebrate the DPP's 25th Anniversary. Below are her remarks:

Distinguished guests of the diplomatic community, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen.

As Chair of the Democratic Progressive Party, it is my pleasure to welcome you here on this occasion of the 25th anniversary of the founding of the party. For many years, the DPP had the tradition of hosting an annual diplomatic reception to celebrate our anniversary. Unfortunately this tradition was suspended after 2008, when the party was going through a difficult period of recovery. I am happy that today we are able to resume this tradition of celebrating the growth of the DPP with our international friends.

My party has come a long way since September 28, 1986, when a group of courageous democracy activists, fearless of the threat to their lives and imprisonment, broke the Martial Law ban on political parties, to establish the DPP. Throughout the past twenty-five years, from street rallies to the offices of government, the DPP’s commitment to democracy and bettering the lives of the Taiwanese people has been unwavering. The DPP has played a pivotal role to promote the structural changes in our political system, mainly in the transition from a one-party authoritarian state to a multi-party and open democracy. But beyond that, the DPP has also championed a number of public policy issues that have brought about fundamental improvements to the quality of life in Taiwan.

Over and over again, our positions have been tested through debates and elections, and today we are able to stand strong with confidence, because we have demonstrated our resilience through trials in Taiwan’s democratic process. After eight years in national government, superb performance in local government, and over three years of reflection and reconstruction since 2008, the DPP today is more experienced and prepared than ever for the opportunity to govern again.

In the 2012 elections, we speak about “Taiwan Next,” for we want to look to the future. Our past struggles to overcome hardship serve as an important foundation for our strengthened resolve, but what we want to do is to lead Taiwan into the future through responsible and accountable government. Domestically, we are working hard to respond to the needs of the people, to address their concerns regarding jobs, the economy, social services, housing, energy, and the environment. We emphasize the need to realize true social justice, so that the Taiwanese people have fair and free opportunities to pursue a quality life. Internationally, we take a balanced and open approach, seeking to proactively engage with the world including China while at the same time working to manage the risks involved. The element of openness to the world has become part of the Taiwanese identity, and we hope the international community will be as open to Taiwan as we are to the world.

Since being nominated presidential candidate of the DPP, I have taken a number of trips abroad: to Europe, Southeast Asia, and the United States. And next Monday I will be traveling to Japan. These trips illustrate the importance the DPP places on our foreign relations.

On my visit to Europe, we emphasized dialogue on climate and energy issues; in the Philippines, where I attended the Congress of Liberal International along with many other liberal parties from around the world, we spoke about democracy, human rights, and open societies; in the United States, we worked to reinforce our partnership and had a number of conversations on regional security and cross-strait relations. Next week in Japan, a country which has a unique historical and cultural relationship with Taiwan, we will continue to emphasize regional cooperation. Taiwan’s immediate response to Japan’s tsunami tragedy earlier this year demonstrates that the people of Taiwan are willing and able to be reliable partners in the region, jointly dealing with challenges and contributing significantly to rebuilding and progress.

As a political party, the DPP has been through various stages of development. Over the years, some things have changed, and some have not. For twenty-five years, we have been persistent in promoting the fundamental values of human rights, democracy, and social justice; we have insisted on standing by the under-privileged and disadvantaged sectors, developing policies to ensure that they also have fair opportunities in society; we have also worked tirelessly to enhance Taiwan’s international participation.

But there are also some areas where the DPP has transformed in stages. While the leaders of the party in our early years had no choice but to put all of their efforts into dismantling the authoritarian system, the new generation has had to quickly accumulate expertise and experiences in a different set of challenges: global changes, external threats, and growing domestic social and economic insecurities. Therefore while the founding members were tested for their courage, the new generation of DPP leaders will be tested for our ability to manage and govern.

We believe that the way for the DPP to win in 2012 is not just by criticizing the current government’s incompetence. Instead, we shall win by convincing the people that we are more competent and mature than the KMT; we shall win by presenting policy choices that are more progressive and responsive to the real needs of the people; and we shall win by being the positive force that transcends the divisiveness of the past, and unites the people of Taiwan.

To the international community, we will continue to be a transparent and open political party, and whether we are in the middle of elections or not, we will proactively engage to ensure that our goals and interests are well communicated. Present here today, in addition to my running mate Su Jia-Chyuan, are a number of DPP policy advisors and colleagues. We are a team, and collectively we will work on not only winning our elections, but in governing and making Taiwan an active participant and contributor in the international community.

Thank you again for coming here today to witness the DPP’s growth and to celebrate our 25th birthday. Taiwan’s democracy requires your support, and regardless of the outcome of the elections, you will find the DPP to be a reliable partner, friend, and a willing contributor to democracy and progress around the world.

Now, I would like to ask my running mate Su Jia-Chyuan to join me to propose a toast to our friendship and to democracy.

Thank you.

"Taiwan: Policy Challenges, Choices and Democratic Governance" Tsai Ing-wen's Speech at Harvard University, Sept. 15, 2011

2011-09-15T17:05:00.001-07:00

In a speech titled "Taiwan: Policy Challenges, Choices and Democratic Governance", DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen spoke at the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies of Harvard University on Sept. 15, 2011. Below is her speech in full:

Good afternoon, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. It is a pleasure to visit Harvard University today. I would like to especially thank Professor Steven Goldstein for inviting me to speak here this afternoon. After two days of intense meetings in Washington, DC with administration officials, think tanks and politicians, it is great to have this opportunity to be here to exchange views with the next generation of future policy leaders.

Young people in both Taiwan and the United States are facing a rapidly changing world that is full of challenges and uncertainties. As a policy-maker, what interests me is the role of government in establishing the right institutions and providing the necessary public services so that future generations are equipped with the ability and opportunity to respond to these challenges. So a dialogue such as the one today, with some of the brightest young minds in the world, is a useful exchange that perhaps may help to stimulate new ideas for all of us.

When we look to the future, it is sometimes useful to strengthen our understanding of what has happened in the past, to put our analyses into a historical context. So let me start by offering my congratulations to Harvard University as you celebrate your 375^th anniversary. Your institution is one of the oldest in this country and its history extends way before the founding of this nation.

About the same time Harvard was founded, written history and documentation of Taiwan also began to emerge on the international stage. Dutch and Spanish arrived in Taiwan in the 1620s and colonized the southern and northern parts of the island. Christian missionaries followed and brought with them the Roman phonetic transcription system, thus beginning written documentation in the languages of the indigenous people of Taiwan.

Over the past four centuries, both Taiwan and America experienced colonization, migration, wars, the establishment of government, and finally the inauguration of democracy. We may live in different places and speak different languages, but we share many of the same experiences and beliefs.

A common value that the US and Taiwan share is democracy. Alexis de Tocqueville published “Democracy in America” just less than six decades after the Declaration of Independence, foreseeing that democracy would dominate the world’s development. In the following years, the world witnessed the US grow under a democratic system to become a major force in the world – a force that continues to be the most important in maintaining global balance today. Democracy and freedom in the US have fostered a diverse yet inclusive society which has attracted talented individuals from all over the world. Together they have created the strength of the US that we still see today. At the same time, these democratic values that are upheld by the American people have inspired, and supported democracy movements around the world.

Taiwan’s democratic development came far later. Throughout the period of Japanese occupation, and then later the KMT arrival on Taiwan and imposition of Martial Law, there were constant efforts by local Taiwanese to demand greater political participation. Unfortunately their efforts were suppressed brutally by the Japanese colonial regime, and then later the KMT government that fled to Taiwan eliminated an entire generation of Taiwanese elites, through the 1947 massacre and the ensuing period of “white terror.” In the 1970’s, a new generation emerged during Taiwan’s economic boom, when more integration with the world fostered the rise of a civil society. Although opposition parties were stilled banned under Martial Law during this period, the predecessors and founders of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) initiated a new wave of democratic activism that pushed for reforms and basic political rights. Ultimately Martial Law was lifted in 1987, and by the 1990’s Taiwan began to hold its first general and free elections. By 2000, with the DPP’s winning the presidential election, Taiwan witnessed its first ever democratic transition.

I speak about this part of our history, because democracy has become the foundation of Taiwan’s national identity and the norm for political leadership in Taiwan. Yet our path toward democracy was a long and arduous process, which makes us all the more determined to uphold his value. We are a young democracy, and having the right to freely select our leaders and to determine our own future through the democratic vote is only a recent phenomenon, with vulnerabilities subject to internal and external challenges.

Therefore one of our top priorities and challenges in the coming years is the defense and consolidation of Taiwan’s democracy. Internally, there are a number of remnant aspects of the previous authoritarian one-party system that require reform: The enormous KMT party assets that have been accumulated over the years create an unfair playing field for multi-party politics in Taiwan. In addition, the legislative process and campaign financing regulations can be further improved to ensure greater transparency and accountability as well as fairness in the political system. Furthermore, leadership must be exerted to establish the full independence of the judiciary, so as to eliminate the possibility of political interventions. Current public confidence over the impartiality of the judiciary is low, and this problem must be addressed to ensure a fair and just legal environment.

Externally, the greatest challenge to our democracy comes from across the Strait. In recent elections, the Chinese government has exerted influence on Taiwan’s elections to compel their desired outcome. They have attempted to threaten the Taiwanese people, going so far as to launch missile tests during our first ever presidential election in 1996, and then issuing verbal threats in subsequent major elections. Lately they have emphasized the use of economic leverage which the Economist Magazine has characterized as “bribing Taiwan.” The long-term impact of these tactics is yet to be seen, but from our part we must be vigilant in defending our hard-won freedom to choose and decide our future.

We have on a number of occasions called on the Chinese government to engage in dialogue on the subject of democracy and human rights, and to acknowledge the existing political differences. Their insistence on a “one China” framework that denies the right of the Taiwanese people to decide on their own future, and utilization of economic, political and diplomatic leverage to compel Taiwan into their orbit of influence, runs counter to the desires and aspirations of our people.

It is obvious that in addition to disrespect for the political rights of the Taiwanese people, the Chinese government has imposed even more difficult constraints on the people of China. Even though it has carried out a policy of “reform and openness” since the 1980’s, enabling rapid economic growth, there has been very limited political progress. The arrest of Chinese artist Ai Weiwei and continuing imprisonment of Nobel Laureate Liu Xiaobo as well as many more human rights advocates, remain a significant problem and point of difference between the two sides across the Strait.

While we insist on upholding our democratic rights in Taiwan and protecting the independence of our sovereignty, the DPP and the Taiwanese people harbor no animosity toward the people of China. The current political and military stalemate across the Strait is a product of the evolution of history. The DPP is willing to look ahead and extend our goodwill to the people of China, and in particular, our support to those courageous activists who are striving for political freedom in China.

As I mentioned above, the emergence of a vibrant civil society was an essential foundation for Taiwan’s successful democratization. In recent years, although the development of an active civil society in China has been slow and painful, we believe it may turn into an important force for progress in China. We would therefore encourage dialogue and exchanges between our civil societies, especially among the young people, in hopes that it would lead to a more open understanding of the realities and aspirations of our peoples.

It is why in our approach to handling relations with China, I have spoken about the need to respect the process of building a “Taiwan consensus” as the foundation for engaging with China. The strategic goal is to maintain peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, an environment where the people on both sides have the freedom and opportunities to pursue prosperity and development.

Democratic consensus building is not only an essential procedure for dealing with the challenge of China’s rise and its impact on Taiwan, it also provides the political capital needed for leadership on tough domestic social and economic problems. In an open society, building consensus takes time, and sometimes the decision-making process could be slower than in an autocracy. However, I strongly believe that democracy must continue to serve as the basis for meeting a nation’s challenges.

Like the United States and others around the world, Taiwan is also dealing with the consequences of the global financial recession and high unemployment. Our young people, in particular, are deeply anxious about their future, and the assumption that a good education and training will secure a decently-paying job and lifestyle, no longer holds. This concerns me deeply, for I believe that the confidence of the younger generation to explore and innovate is essential for our country’s continuing development.

To examine the multiple aspects of the challenges facing Taiwan in the next decade, I recently announced a ten-year policy platform on behalf of the DPP, which contains eighteen chapters covering policy guidelines in social, economic, political and national security areas. Taiwan is in a situation where we are still striving to build and perfect our democratic institutions, and yet the world is rapidly changing in a way that is full of uncertainty. Like others in the global community, we are also faced with global common challenges of growing income disparities, economic stagnation, energy shortages, pollution, climate change, and security threats.

Taiwan is a maritime nation. Our survival depends on our openness and links to the world. These links bring about tremendous opportunities to the Taiwanese people, yet at the same time we have also suffered costs. For example, industry and trade that have brought about significant economic growth have also had a harmful impact on the natural environment. Therefore the previous growth-oriented economic strategy is not sufficient to deal with the complications of ongoing development. Recently, NGO activism in central Taiwan successfully blocked plans to build a new petrochemical plant that could potentially endanger oceanic life. This case illustrates the ongoing debate in our society about industrial adjustment and developmental strategy for our country.

The earthquake and tsunami disaster that devastated our neighboring Japan this March has reopened another very important policy debate in Taiwan, and that is the future of nuclear energy and the urgency of developing alternative energy sources. Taiwan currently has three nuclear power plants and a fourth that is being built, all situated on earthquake fault lines. For decades, government policy on developing nuclear power was not accompanied by a long-term plan for storage and processing of nuclear waste. And the Japanese experience reminds us that not only are the safety of our plants in serious doubt, the KMT government’s practice of dumping nuclear waste on aborigine land, or keeping the waste storage on the plant sites may have detrimental consequences in the long run.

We therefore took the initiative to announce a policy where Taiwan would reduce its reliance on nuclear energy, while developing alternative and sustainable energy sources, and by the year 2025 Taiwan will be a nuclear-free country.

This policy announcement was not without controversy. The maturity and costs of sustainable and clean energy sources have come under question, and the bureaucracy does not seem keen on making any departures from current practice. This is where political leadership is important. Our convictions and long-term vision for the future must be communicated with the public, forging a consensus, as we responsibly lay out the specifics of our plan to heavily invest in new energy production, transforming the landscape of Taiwan’s industry. For a few decades, Taiwan has led the world in IT manufacturing and various technologies, but the lifespan of the competitiveness of a new technology is being shortened as production shifts around the world and technologies are quickly replaced. We will require a new business model for Taiwan to sustain its overall competitiveness and to continue to produce the competitive jobs that the next generation will require.

While there isn’t enough time for me to go over all the policy challenges, I raise the issue of energy as an example. In fact many of our challenges mirror those you have here in the US: housing, social services, income disparities, jobs, fiscal debt and budgeting. The future government and leader of Taiwan must be able to respond to the anxieties of the people and offer realistic responses. There are no easy solutions, but in the process, accountability and leadership are important. By accountability I refer to responsibility to the people not only now, but to future generations as well. Very often political leaders get caught in the midst of day-to-day operations and constant election campaigning. What is popular in a single election is not always the best solution in the long-term. That is why in coming up with our policy guidelines, the DPP engaged in multiple level dialogues with our civil society, NGOs, academics, and former cabinet members, for we believe that participation and transparency are essential in a decision-making process. When confronted with highly controversial or difficult issues, leadership and communication with the public is essential.

This is the way in which I intend to continue to carry out my leadership of the DPP and of Taiwan in the future. Some people in Taiwan say that I am an atypical leader, that I appear more like a professor than a passionate politician. Indeed in real election campaigning charisma is important, it arouses passion and enthusiasm, and particularly for the DPP which has not had the kind of resources as the KMT to compete, the passion of our supporters has been the DPP’s greatest asset. I feel that passion brings about hope, which is important to boost confidence and energy. However, what we have learned in the recent history is that passion and charisma, while important, are not sufficient to govern. Governing requires the courage to confront challenging circumstance and to make difficult decisions. Governing also requires careful calculations of the costs and benefits as well as long-term impact of any policy decision. Furthermore, governing requires an ability to balance conviction and vision on the one hand, with an honesty to face the realities and difficulties on the other.

I expect that in addition to leading Taiwan in the next wave of democratization as we have in the past, the DPP will continue to also lead the public policy discourse in Taiwan. I agree with Vice President Biden’s remarks following his trip to China, that “Open and free societies are best at promoting long-term growth, stability, prosperity and innovation.” Democracy has fostered diversity and creativity in the American society, and it has been the basis for the strength of this nation. This is also what we expect for Taiwan as well. We will continue to mature into a democratic society where good governance practices are honored, and where the participation and involvement of our diverse society in policy discourse will produce the most productive and effective policies.

Democracy has become the common language between Taiwan and the international community, and it is the foundation for our engagement with the rest of the world. As a responsible stakeholder of the global community, Taiwan will continue to proactively seek opportunities to contribute to both democratic governance and the development of a global civil society.

Thank you again for giving me this opportunity to share with you my views on democratic governance and some of Taiwan’s next policy challenges. I look forward to your comments, responses and the chance for dialogue.

DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen's remarks at Capitol Hill

2011-09-15T02:18:00.001-07:00

Below are the remarks made by DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen at the US Capitol Hill Reception on Sept. 14, 2011.

I am honored to be here in the US Congress, among all of you who are such good friends of Taiwan. I want to especially thank the Members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, led by Chair Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Ranking Member Howard Berman, for so graciously welcoming my delegation.

Thanks, also, to Bob Yang, FAPA president, for his organization’s hard work to make this reception a success and to Representative Jason Yuan and TECRO as well.

We are a young democracy in Taiwan. We look to you because of your rich history and the many struggles you have been through to craft a strong nation, one united in its commitment to democracy and human rights at home and abroad.

There are two US documents that everyone in Taiwan knows: the Declaration of Independence with its ringing “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” and that unique piece of legislation, the Taiwan Relations Act. Thanks to the security provisions of the TRA, provisions that Congress insisted on, as well as to our own efforts at home, my country has been secure through these many years. We Taiwanese cannot thank you enough for this support and for all the current efforts being made by so many Members to insure that the United States keeps its commitments to the security of Taiwan. I want to express a special thanks to all of you for your recent efforts to support the arms sales to Taiwan that are urgently needed.

However, I want to underscore that section of the TRA that often gets overlooked: Sec. 2 (c) which states:  (c) Nothing contained in this Act shall contravene the interest of the United States in human rights, especially with respect to the human rights of all the approximately eighteen million inhabitants of Taiwan. The preservation and enhancement of the human rights of all the people on Taiwan are hereby reaffirmed as objectives of the United States.

We fought hard to establish ourselves as a viable democracy, fighting for during almost 40 years of martial law for the rights we all hold so dear. My party, the Democratic Progressive Party, believes that today we need to engage in a national dialogue to develop a full “Taiwan consensus”, a democratic process to form a basis for cross-strait talks and discussions with any and all others as equal partners.

We need your continued assistance to insure that we remain a free people, a people for whom all options for the future remain open and whose human rights remain inviolate.

We pledge to stand with the United States as a good friend and willing ally in the long project of bringing democracy, justice and human rights to all nations of this world of ours.

Tsai Ing-wen's Remarks at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) Sept. 13, 2011

2011-09-13T15:44:00.000-07:00

DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Tsai Ing-wen was invited to speak at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, D.C. on September 13, 2011. Below are her remarks:

Taiwan’s national security challenges and strategies in the next decade

Thank you Dan, and thanks to the American Enterprise Institute for hosting me here today, and for providing me the opportunity to speak to the many American friends who are here. Since I became Chair of the Democratic Progressive Party three years ago, I have made annual trips to Washington, to engage in dialogue on policy and strategies. These annual trips demonstrate the importance that the DPP places on our relations with the United States. Today I come here again, not only as Chair of the DPP, but as a presidential candidate, and a candidate with a good chance of winning! So while I enjoy seeing my friends here in Washington, either the United States will have to change its policy on senior official visits from Taiwan to Washington, or unfortunately, for the next four or eight years, it is not likely that I will be able to come here again, and we can only meet face to face in Taiwan.

That is why I very much cherish this opportunity, and although this is a short trip in the middle of a very intense campaign, I look forward to engaging in profound dialogue with American friends and partners on our bilateral relationship, and our vision for the future.

Ten year platform

A few weeks ago the DPP’s Central Executive Committee passed a ten-year policy platform, which outlines the challenges and circumstances Taiwan faces in the next decade. The platform contains eighteen chapters covering a wide range of issues, from agriculture and environment to technology and industry. It is a product of intense discussions among former DPP cabinet ministers, advisors, academics, NGO’s and party representatives. The formation of this platform adds policy depth and sophistication as the DPP prepares for the opportunity to govern again. It aims at identifying the key challenges Taiwan faces in the next decade and proposes responsible guidelines for responding to those challenges.

We are operating in a far more complex global environment than ever before, where the world is characterized by a web of interconnected transnational challenges such as the current economic crisis, epidemics, poverty, energy shortages, climate change, war, and terrorism. At the same time, we are in the middle of a systemic change, where the post cold-war global structure of US dominance in determining the world order is affected by serious economic and financial problems here as well as the uncertainty of how emerging powers such as China will evolve. Domestically, although our GDP has shown some positive growth numbers since the financial crisis a couple years ago, like here in the US, we have a crisis of escalating government debt, the loss of jobs, and a growing wealth disparity where the average income for the working person is actually declining. There is no doubt that our domestic economic and social challenges are also linked to the global environment, and there are no easy solutions. But the pragmatism, diligence, and creativity of the Taiwanese people have helped our country overcome many challenges in the past, and we have no choice but to be confident that through good governance and responsible leadership, Taiwan will continue to survive and prosper.

I believe our next election outcome will ultimately be determined by social and economic issues, just as it is in many democracies around the world. In recent local and by-elections since 2008, the DPP has successfully defined the agenda for domestic politics by leading the public debate on housing, social services, energy, and industrial adjustment. And gradually we have regained the confidence and trust of the Taiwanese people, tested again and again through successive elections and by-elections. Our rebound is apparent, but we fully understand that when we govern Taiwan again, we must not only respond to the social and economic needs of our people domestically, we must also shoulder responsibilities as a stakeholder in the international community. That would involve having a realistic grasp of the challenges in the international environment, and carrying on with a national security approach that is balanced and stable.

US Relations

In our view, the United States is Taiwan’s most important and reliable partner in international relations. The United States, acting in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act, is the only country in the world committed to supporting Taiwan in our defense and security. But the relationship is not only one with a legal basis and realist common interests. The friendship extends deep into the emotional sentiments of the Taiwanese people, who value the multiple dimensions of trade, cultural, educational, and historical interactions that we have had. We in the DPP cherish this relationship and seek to continue to reinforce the comprehensive ties with the United States.

On the top of the agenda when engaging with the US is to rebuild strategic confidence and reinforce the strategic partnership. We acknowledge that toward the end of the previous DPP administration there were diverging views on strategic priorities, and our relationship went through a rough period. Indeed, the US is a global superpower with far-reaching global interests and a complex agenda with China, and Taiwan is a smaller state working to consolidate our young democracy internally while facing the threat of marginalization in our external relations. There are times when our interests will merge, and there are also times when we will have different priorities. However, as partners in a strategic relationship, we believe it is important to understand and communicate those priorities, ensuring a degree of strategic confidence that the broader agenda of a common interest for peace and stability is not jeopardized.

At the moment one of our priorities is to maintain the strategic balance across the Taiwan Strait, and this would involve the Taiwan military receiving adequate support from the US to defend ourselves. While peace and development appear to be the common lingo across the Strait at the moment, we understand that peace must be backed by a commitment to security. Despite the conciliatory attitude of our current government toward China, the military buildup across the Strait has not ceased. Instead recent developments of the PLA in advanced weapons systems and naval capabilities have tipped the balance in China’s favor, and Taiwan’s ability to deter and defend against the use of force will no longer be credible unless we demonstrate our commitment to investing in Taiwan’s self defense.

We would welcome a decision by the US to provide Taiwan with advanced defense systems that are deemed necessary through a process of mutual consultation between our militaries and defense experts. The DPP, and in particular our legislative caucus, has expressed disappointment in the Ma administration’s lack of dedication to a strong defense in the apparent declining budget proposals submitted. When we come back to government, the situation must be rectified by a stronger demonstrated commitment. But we understand it is not only a matter of budgeting and acquisitions of highly publicized items like the F16’s. Our general preparedness, and the intensity of the day to day operational interactions between our militaries and defense experts, are also crucial. In addition, we must also re-examine the value of our conscription service, seek the right balance between a professional voluntary force and conscripted servicemen, and put in place policy incentives for the development of a domestic industry that is capable of developing and supplying our military with some of the systems needed.

Another important priority in our strategic relations with the US is to ensure regional peace and stability, and this involves expanded cooperation and coordination with regional countries, especially the US and its allies. Taiwan is willing and able to play a constructive role in dealing with transnational security issues, such as humanitarian relief, non-proliferation, counter-terrorism, and cyber security. Already, intelligence cooperation led to the intervention in a shipment of sensitive materials to North Korea a few years ago, and Taiwan has cooperated in controlling the export of dual-use technology products to Iran. On the matter of disputes in the South China Sea, to which Taiwan also has our stakes and claims, the DPP has a position that supports the freedom of navigation and the settlement of disputes through a multilateral framework and international law. We emphasize aspects of maritime cooperation and sustainable development in our policy, and we are willing to engage in dialogue to ensure international cooperation on this matter.

While we expect support from the US for Taiwan to be more proactive in regional security affairs, it is not a one-way scenario. We believe it is within our mutual interests, and we have been ready to reciprocate as a responsible stakeholder. As we commemorate ten years after the 911 tragedy, I want to remind you that it was during our DPP administration that Taiwan stepped forward as one of the largest foreign donors to the post-Afghanistan war-on-terror reconstruction effort. We stood ready without hesitation to provide logistical support to US efforts in Iraq, and our government also contributed significantly to the Pentagon memorial. When I was the Deputy Premier, I was personally involved in coordinating efforts with American friends to enhance our export control regulations to curtail the flow of sensitive materials to dangerous areas.

For decades US support for Taiwan has been critical for the peaceful environment that has enabled prosperity and development. The people of Taiwan and the DPP will continue to play our part in nurturing the strategic partnership. From the US, we hope that our friends will recognize the anxieties that Taiwanese people feel about regional balance and marginalization, and while preoccupied with other interest around the world, we expect the US should keep Taiwan on the agenda as a reliable and committed partner relationship that requires reinforcement.

China Policy

Now let me turn to China, which is always a subject of interest in our dialogue with the United States. Some of our policy challenges regarding China overlap with those facing the United States, and we have a common interest in dealing with these challenges in a coordinated manner. For example, we both face the issue of a more aggressive Chinese military in the region, with “core interest” claims that threaten the freedom of navigation and regional stability. However, our relationships with China are fundamentally different in nature, and some of our policy responses may not be entirely the same. That is why it is absolutely important that we constantly communicate our objectives and our strategies, to ensure a norm of predictability and consistency in our relationship that serves as a foundation for confidence when we deal with China.

For Taiwan, China is the most complex policy challenge that is manifested in economic, social, political and security realms. Since interaction across the Strait began in the late eighties, systemic changes on a global level, as well as profound interaction between the people on two sides on a micro level, have complicated the relationship to the extent that stated ideology and political positions are not sufficient to handle the complexity of the challenge. So while we must be clear about our strategic goal and approach, we must also allow adequate flexibility for more sophisticated management of the relationship.

In the party’s ten-year policy platform, there are two chapters that lay out the guidelines for dealing with China: a chapter on national security strategy, and one on economic relations with China. I have on many occasions presented my thoughts on this subject matter. In case there is any doubt, let me again share with you our strategic goal, approach, and policy toward China.

The overarching goal of managing relations with China is to maintain a peaceful and stable environment so that the Taiwanese people can have the opportunities to develop a prosperous economy, while preserving our hard-won political freedoms and way of living. Ultimately, we want to ensure that the right to determine Taiwan’s future rests in the hands of the people of Taiwan, and any change of the status quo must be agreed by the people of Taiwan through democratic means.

At the moment, most Taiwanese seem to accept the status quo where Taiwan is by all practical definitions already an independent country, and although people are frustrated by international discrimination, the desire to maintain political separation from China is commonly apparent. At the same time, China’s growing economic significance and relevance for Taiwan is also a reality, and the Taiwanese people desire stability where business interests can be pursued in a predictable and fair environment, and where the government will help them shoulder and manage the potential risks involved. This will most likely be the mainstream sentiment in Taiwan for at least the next decade. Anyone who governs Taiwan must have an accurate understanding of the practical realities as well as the wishes of the Taiwanese people, and major policy must be formulated through democratic procedures. I have raised the concept of a Taiwan consensus, which highlights the democratic process of decision-making and emphasizes the fact that policy is only sustainable when it is a realistic response to the consensus and needs of the people. Any political precondition that is not democratically agreed upon is fragile at most and will not withstand the test of time.

To achieve our goal of maintaining a peaceful and stable environment across the Taiwan Strait, the DPP’s approach toward China will be stable and balanced. As a responsible political party, our policy must be in line with the mainstream consensus in our society as well as international expectations, and therefore we will refrain from extreme or radical approaches. The current stalemate across the Strait is a product of the evolution of history, but the future of relations does not have to be a zero-sum situation, and we are willing to take a strategic approach that benefits the people of both sides.

We would seek to achieve a strategic understanding that is based on reality, where the two sides across the Strait can interact in a stable and peaceful manner. We acknowledge that Beijing insists on the “one China principle” as its fundamental position toward Taiwan. However, Beijing must also understand the reality that the Taiwanese people, having gone through the historical processes of freeing themselves from foreign rule and seeking democratization, are opposed to a one-party system and committed to upholding the independence of their sovereignty. The distinct positions, however, should not prevent the two sides from reaching a mutually beneficial arrangement where we can also pursue common interests, mainly, common interests in peace and development. We believe that reaching a strategic understanding of our existing differences, and agreeing to engage based on a desire to achieve common interests and mutual benefits, is the most realistic way forward. This is what I mean by “peaceful but recognizing differences, peaceful and seeking commonalities.”

With an understanding of our differences and common objectives, we need to build a stable framework for interaction. This framework, gradually built through multiple levels, is to provide a mechanism for not only the day-to-day interactions and exchanges across the Strait, but also for conflict management and dispute settlement.

The doors of the DPP have been open to those Chinese interested in dialogue and in genuinely understanding our views. Historically, there may have been wars and conflicts between the CCP and the KMT parties, but the DPP carries no fundamental animosity toward the people of China. We are willing to play a proactive and constructive role in the development of a vibrant civil society and market economy in China, as long as it serves our common interests, which we understand to be peaceful development.

In addition to welcoming Chinese visitors to our party and our think tank, a number of DPP elected officials and local government administrations have also organized trips to China. We believe such interaction contributes to further mutual understanding.

To manage differences and to build on common interests in our interactions, we have proposed a number of policy guidelines which we will adopt when we come into government again. I have already outlined our political and security approaches abroad. Given the limitation in time, I will not go over all the other policy guidelines in detail, but let me share with you some policy points in the economic and cultural areas which may be of interest.

First, one of the most commonly asked questions I get is what the DPP would do about ECFA when we come into government. The DPP had many reservations about ECFA when it was initially proposed: Procedurally the lack of transparency in the negotiation process was unacceptable. And in terms of substance, we were concerned that the rapid opening process with China would have a dramatic impact on Taiwan’s economy which our government and people were not prepared to handle. We voiced our objections, and we ensured that no political preconditions were written into the language of the agreement. Now that ECFA is already signed into reality, when in government we will conduct regular examinations of its impact on our economy, and if and when revisions are necessary we would follow democratic procedures for handling trade agreements and international obligations.

Second, the handling of economic relations with China is not a simple matter of yes or no. The intensity of economic ties is a reality, and China has already become Taiwan’s largest investment destination and trading partner. Economic relations have evolved to an extent where continuing interaction cannot be stopped by either side, regardless of who is in government. Turning a blind eye to this reality is just as impractical as the threat to discontinue ties with changing political circumstances.

The market and the private sector have already taken the lead in this intense economic relationship. But we know that the future of China, while containing tremendous opportunities, also has its risks and uncertainties, particularly as long as the political system remains opaque, and its economy continues in a direction of state-driven capitalism. So from our perspective, the role of the government in cross-strait economic relations must contain at least the following dimensions: managing and reducing risks; ensuring a fair environment for businesses to operate; proactive global diversification efforts; and balancing interests between the sectors that profit from cross-strait trade and sectors that suffer. This is where we differ in philosophy from the KMT, which has formulated policy based on the one-dimensional assumption that opening to China is the solution to all economic problems.

My third point is in regards to the traveling and interaction between the peoples on both sides. When we were in government, we initiated negotiations on direct flights across the Strait, and we do not fundamentally object to transportation arrangements that reduce the cost of traveling, as long as security risks are controlled and the resulting profit is adequately shared. With the direct flights there is the issue of Chinese tourists. In principle we welcome Chinese tourists. However, the influx of Chinese tourists must be accompanied by a preparation with adequate infrastructure, so that overcrowding in some sites does not reduce the quality of tourism or turn away tourists from other countries.

In short, the DPP has invested a lot of time and energy into formulating a workable approach as well as specific policies toward China that are consistent with the interests of the Taiwanese people. We have conducted serious discussions with experts, academics, private sector leaders, NGO’s, and our party grassroots, to build a strong consensus that is sustainable as we deal with the complexities of the cross-strait relationship.

I want to reiterate here that our broader goal is to ensure a peaceful and stable environment where the people on both sides of the Strait and in the broader region can pursue development and prosperity. We will work on our goals in a way that is responsible and in line with international expectations of a maturing democracy.

When we win the presidential election next year, it will be Taiwan’s third transition. In a democratic society, when a party loses elections it reflects and rebuilds. If it is successful it will govern again and if not there will always be new parties and forces in a society that will propel progress and change. Since March of 2008, the DPP has gone through a very painful process of reflection, all the while facing internal and external challenges. And during my leadership of the party, I have insisted on the need for refining our policy discourse and broadening the content of political debate in Taiwan that traditionally has been more confined to ideological differences. The public has responded to our transformation with enthusiasm. Our supporters will constantly compel us to reflect and respond, and in turn they provide the fuel for our progress.

We hope that the international community, including China, will develop an understanding, if not appreciation, of how our democracy functions. The DPP’s return to government is inevitable and will happen hopefully sooner rather than later. The DPP has evolved and matured along with the development of Taiwan’s democracy, and today we are far more experienced and prepared than ever for the opportunity to govern again. I am sure our American friends here will find us to be reliable partners, and the Taiwanese people will work with us to build an accountable and responsible government.

Democracy & Progress August 2011

2011-09-05T21:56:00.001-07:00

Wall Street Journal Interview September 1, 2011

2011-09-01T18:27:00.000-07:00

Taiwan's Tsai Stresses Slower Track for China Ties

By PAUL MOZUR, JENNY W. HSU and ARIES POON

TAIPEI—Taiwanese presidential challenger Tsai Ing-wen said that Taiwan should take its time to develop trade and tourism links with China, in an interview that highlighted a shift that ties between Taipei and Beijing might undergo if she defeats incumbent Ma Ying-jeou, who has fast-tracked relations with the island's giant neighbor.

"We are not in a rush," Ms. Tsai, chairperson of the opposition Democratic Progressive Party, told The Wall Street Journal. If elected in January's vote, she said she would re-examine a key trade deal signed between China and Taiwan last year known as the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA).

"Ten years, in my view, is just too short," she said, referring to what she said was a common time frame for economic opening under free-trade agreements. Chinese banks are "much, much bigger," she said, and local banks may not be able to withstand a competitive onslaught. "We have to think very seriously about the survival of our financial institutions," she said.

She also said that Taiwan doesn't currently have the infrastructure to cope with a sudden influx of Chinese tourists. In 2010, the number of Chinese tourists soared to 1.6 million from a mere 200,000 in 2008.

Ms. Tsai is currently running neck-and-neck in opinion polls with the Kuomintang party's Mr. Ma, who has presided over a rapid improvement in trade and economic ties with Taiwan's longtime rival.

She said the DPP is throwing out "olive branches" to China to show its goodwill, but she rejected a vague agreement between Beijing and the KMT on Taiwan's status as a part of "one China," which both view to be the foundation for recent economic cooperation. Instead, she said, Beijing must accept the Taiwanese people's commitment to their own sovereignty. China regards Taiwan as a renegade province to be reunited with the mainland, by force if necessary.

A former law professor known for her academic demeanor, Ms. Tsai became Taiwan's vice premier under former DPP president Chen Shui-bian, who infuriated China with his pro-independence policies and is now in jail for corruption. Earlier, she served as the chairperson of the Mainland Affairs Council, which is responsible for Taiwan's policy toward China.

Since the 2008 presidential and legislative elections, which the DPP lost by a landslide amid widespread accusations of corruption against Mr. Chen, Ms. Tsai has headed the DPP, helping to restore its credibility and ushering in a new consensus within the party that aims for a more conciliatory tone toward China.

Ms. Tsai has insisted that ECFA—which is now structured as a preferential-treatment pact rather than a traditional free-trade agreement between two countries—be consistent with the guidelines of the World Trade Organization, where both Taiwan and China are members. However, Citigroup economist Cheng Cheng-mount China might not accept this, since under current ECFA guidelines, trade disputes are handled bilaterally whereas under the WTO they are handled multilaterally and China is likely to reject a process that involves other countries.

Ms. Tsai acknowledged there are significant "conflicting interests" between the DPP and China. "China must face the fact that Taiwan is a democracy and they have to treat Taiwan as a democracy. The way they conduct business with us, the way they have dialogues with us, they all have to keep this in mind: Taiwan is a democracy," she said.

Cross-Strait relations are likely to dominate the presidential vote, including the impact that closer economic integration has had on the island's economy, an area in which Mr. Ma is vulnerable. While rapidly growing trade with China has underpinned the island's rapid recovery from the global recession, critics say that it has also widened the island's wealth gap and contributed to growing unemployment, as high-tech companies migrate to China. Mr. Ma also has been criticized for failing to wean the island's economy off its heavy reliance on exports, particularly in the high-tech sector.

Pointing to last year's 10.8% economic growth, Ms. Tsai said that number reflected a jump in global demand for exports, but had failed to bring quality jobs to Taiwan as more than 50% of those products are in fact produced elsewhere by Taiwanese companies.

Ms. Tsai said she hopes to spur more investment in research and development, as well as in green energy, to help narrow the wealth gap. She also said that Taiwan should invest heavily in urban renewal to replace many of the island's old and unsightly buildings that were built during the economic boom in the 1960s and '70s.

Despite the close polls, Ms. Tsai faces an uphill battle in the coming months. China has made it no secret that it backs Mr. Ma, issuing a rebuke last week of Ms. Tsai's cross-Strait policy. On Thursday, the DPP said its computers continue to be targeted by a Chinese hacking campaign that it expects to become more intense before the elections.

Some pundits say that Ms. Tsai may face discrimination as the island's first female presidential candidate, but Ms. Tsai said that could work in her favor.

"People here might still be skeptical about whether a woman is capable of leading a country, but in general...people think it is okay. In certain sectors of the society here, people tend to think this is a rather fashionable idea."

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424053111903895904576544401732534060.html?mod=googlenews_wsj

Surveys

2011-09-01T14:36:00.000-07:00

Latest Opinion Survey on Cross-Strait Policy

Date：August 25-26, 2011

Sampling Number：1,025

Sampling Error：Under 95% confidence level, approximately±3.1%

Targeted Audience: Voters above 20 years-old

Understanding of the 1992 Consensus

Acceptance of "One-China" Under 1992 Consensus?

Opinion on "Cross-Strait economic relations should not develop under the political preconditions of 'One China'."

Opinion regarding:“One China is the Republic of China” and “Taiwan equals the Republic of China”.

Opinion regarding: “Before Taiwan and China conduct negotiations, domestic consensus in Taiwan should be reached”

Opinion regarding Tsai Ing-wen’s initiative to reach a “Taiwan Consensus” as a precondition to interact with China.

Opinion regarding DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen’s proposal to “face China together with the rest of the world”.

Opinion regarding DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen’s proposal to handle the aftermath of ECFA.

Defense News: Taiwan Candidate Says She Can Run the Military

2011-08-29T06:40:00.000-07:00

08/29/2011

Taiwan Candidate Says She Can Run the Military

By WENDELL MINNICK

TAIPEI – Tsai Ing-wen, chairwoman of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), is challenging President Ma Ying-jeou, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairman, in the presidential election here slated for Jan. 14.

The election is expected to be close. Questions are being raised over Tsai’s qualifications as future commander in chief of the armed forces and whether she is committed to a strong defense.

Past DPP officials have expressed reluctance to support the military. A large number of party members, including former President Chen Shuibian, spent years in prison under KMT-imposed martial law during the “White Terror” period. From 1949 to 1987, the KMT imprisoned or executed more than 140,000 Taiwanese.

The KMT now has a policy of engagement with China, and many members advocate unification. The once-outlawed DPP is known for its pro-independence position, but has toned down the rhetoric in recent years. China has expressed a preference for working with the KMT to improve cross-Strait relations and has been hostile to DPP policies that run counter to unification.

Since Ma took office in 2008, China and Taiwan have moved closer economically and diplomatically. But there are fears that, if the KMT is ousted in January, China will react violently to the DPP’s return to power. Under Chen, now in prison for corruption, the DPP won the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections.

During an Aug. 23 press conference, Tsai made it clear she had the necessary experience to command the military and work with the U.S. to improve Taiwan’s security.

Tsai was a senior adviser on the National Security Council (NSC) from 1999 to 2000 under then-President Lee Tung-hui of the KMT and served as minister of the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC), Executive Yuan, from 2000 to 2004, under then-President Chen of the DPP.

Tsai said that when she served on the NSC, she “worked with the military and the intelligence service” and continued to “work with the military as MAC chair.”

This is an “area I am quite familiar with.” During Tsai’s press conference, she released the DPP’s new National Security Strategy white paper. The paper did not address military issues beyond emphasizing the importance of reinforcing the strategic partnership with the U.S.

According to the paper, “The Democratic Progressive Party believes that for the future, Taiwan must proceed to strengthen this strategic partnership, rebuild and deepen strategic mutual trust and strategic consensus, effectively coordinate Taiwan-U.S. interests in every respect, strengthen the institutional arrangements for Taiwan-U.S. engagement on security matters, and increase the depth and breadth of trade, social and cultural cooperation.”

The DPP would release a military white paper soon, Tsai said. “We are committed to a strong defense capability, not because we want to have a war with China, but because we believe that being equipped with a strong defense capability” will build the confidence Taiwan needs to face China and give us “the kind of leverage we need when we negotiate with China.”

Tsai said she was committed to the peace process with China, “but a military capability is something that we think is very important and should be given priority.” Regarding reports that the U.S. plans to deny Taiwan’s request for 66 F-16C/D fighter aircraft, Tsai said it was a “pity” and that after taking office her administration would continue to push for the release. “Air defense capability is always a priority for us.”

She defended her commitment to military modernization, but said “it is something we need to discuss with our friends [Japan and the U.S.] that have a military interest in the region.

“It’s obvious that if we face China alone, it is militarily almost impossible,” she said. “We have to face China together with others. This is about regional security, and we are part of the regional security.”

Tsai will leave for the U.S. on Sept. 12 for a two-day visit to Washington to meet with U.S. government officials, including the U.S. Congress and various think tanks.

Tsai Ing-wen

1956: Born in Pingtung County, Taiwan

1984: Ph.D., London School of Economics and Political Science

1994-1998: Member of the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC)

1999-2000: Senior adviser, National Security Council

2000-2004: Minister of the MAC 2004: Joined the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)

2004-2005: Senior adviser to President Chen Shui-bian

2005-2006: Member of the Legislative Yuan

2006-2007: Vice premier of the Executive Yuan 2008-present: DPP chairwoman

10 Year Policy Platform National Security Chapter

2011-08-23T06:52:00.000-07:00

DPP releases 10 Year Policy Platform - National Security Strategy Chapter

2011-08-23T03:51:00.000-07:00

The DPP has released the National Security Chapter of the 10 Year Policy Platform. The chapter is comprised of three parts (Trends and Challenges, Core Principles, and Policy Positions). Below is the full text translated into English.

I. Trends and challenges

The current trend in globalization will continue to develop for the next two generations. Under this trend, a visible world with traditional state boundaries will co-exist with an invisible societal network connected by mega-cities through information, capital, trade, technology, services, and migration. This in turn will strengthen the political, economic, social, and cultural connections between states, and deepen mutual dependence. At the same time, globalization will produce far more complex transnational and non-traditional security challenges, such as wealth disparity, climate change, energy shortages, economic crises, and terrorism. These challenges will impact in an unprecedented way the form and governance of traditional states.

Under the broader trend of globalization, shifts in the axis of the world’s rapid economic growth and the changing flow of economic strength will promote the rise of emerging powers, most notably, China, India and Russia, impacting the world’s geopolitical and strategic conditions. Even though it continues to be the world’s only superpower, the United States’ uni-polar dominance has eroded. An unbalanced, multi-polar international system is taking shape, with emerging and traditional powers seeking their own individual polarity where each has a role in determining world order alongside the United States. From a historical perspective, it is not yet clear how each emerging power can manage to form a new, more complex international system with existing powers. In the coming years, the rise of China will be a key factor in this dynamic.

In East Asia, the US-Japan security alliance has been one of the cornerstones of security, but China’s rise impacts this system, thus affecting the new regional security order. Such strategic developments and changes represent a reality that must be faced as Taiwan strives to maintain its national security goals of prosperous development, democratic freedom, and secure survival.

Due to historical factors, the two sides across the Strait have been in a long stalemate. Despite increasing exchanges over the past thirty years, the stalemate remains although in a more hidden form. At the core of the stalemate lies the dispute over sovereignty, and furthermore, the two sides continue to hold considerable differences in values, perspectives, and governing systems. Thirty years of interaction have complicated the situation across the Strait. The close involvement of economic engagement is unprecedented. Yet at the same time, their separate values, perspectives, and systems have not merged, and to some extent, even diverged.

Furthermore, with three decades of reform, China has risen with the ability to project power on a global level, but some indications show that China is entering a development stage where uncertainty exists in its political, economic, social, and cultural prospects. Political reform remains far away, economic development has moved in a direction of state capitalism, social divisions and conflicts are deepening, yet all while the ghosts of Maoism continue to hover over Chinese skies. Thus the international community is generally concerned about whether China, as it rises, will act as a “responsible stakeholder” in the new international system and play a role as a constructive global power, or try to achieve a “China rise” in the style of a “great national revival” that is inspired by an expansionist nationalism. China’s choice is relevant to global development, to regional peace and prosperity, and of course to Taiwan’s national security and development.

Since Ma Ying-jeou took office in 2008, his administration has ignored the complexities of the overall development of Chinese society. It has also neglected to preserve Taiwan’s subjectivity while interacting with other countries in a globalized world. Taiwan’s sovereignty has been degraded as the Ma government simplistically views China as the only path to rely upon for Taiwan’s security and development. It has gradually marginalized Taiwan’s security and development by making Taiwan a “dependent variable” in China’s uncertain development.

Since the days of world maritime navigation, Taiwan has been a part in globalization, and experience shows that Taiwan’s survival and prosperity are dependent on our ability to fully understand the broader historical environment and become part of it while making good use of our circumstances. At the moment, we, Taiwan, are situated in the middle of a continuously developing globalization trend, in addition to facing China and an evolving international system. In this evolution, China is not only a key determinant but also the most unpredictable factor, where the intentions and prospects of its rise are opaque and uncertain. For Taiwan, China is a possible opportunity for development, yet at the same time it carries an unfriendly attitude toward Taiwan’s sovereignty. All these conditions create the major challenges for Taiwan’s national security and development.

As a member of the global community, as Taiwan faces the opportunities and challenges brought upon by the development of globalization and the rise of China, Taiwan must responsibly look at the changes in the broader environment, and respond to these changes with new strategic thinking. Only then can Taiwan face up to challenges, maintain security and the dignity of its values while developing prosperity and contributing to peaceful development. As a party founded in this land, the Democratic Progressive Party is bound by this duty.

II. Core principles

Taiwan is a maritime country. Interconnectedness and openness to the outside world are key to the prosperity and development of Taiwan. In order to adapt to changes in the strategic environment resulting from the new wave of globalization, as well as to guarantee Taiwan’s safety, survival, prosperity and development, while protecting its values and dignity, the Democratic Progressive Party’s National Security Strategy contains the following principles:

1. Universal values of justice: Taiwan is a young democracy. The pursuit of the values of democracy, freedom, human rights and green development has been the principal driving force behind Taiwan’s democratization process. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that when it concerns foreign and security affairs, Taiwan should continue to uphold these principles of justice as the basis for international cooperation and exchange. Therefore, Taiwan has the right to participate fairly in international affairs and the sharing of resources, but it also has the duty to actively partake in and contribute to international cooperative efforts, and to do its best to fulfill its responsibilities as a member of the international community.

2. Balanced external relations: Taiwan’s development has always taken place through interactions with the whole world via unobstructed sea-lanes. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that in the era of globalization, Taiwan’s external relations should be conducted within global and regional frameworks that include the complete picture, developing a balanced global strategy, consolidating direct links to the globally networked society, actively partaking in global and regional security affairs, expanding regional collaboration, and building Taiwan’s political, economic, social, cultural and military and security networks.

3. A strategic approach of mutual interest: Close economic, social and cultural exchanges are already taking place between Taiwan and China. However, due to historical reasons, there still exists an unstable situation of strategic stalemate. This is not only detrimental to either party’s strategic interest in development, it is also a cause for concern about peace in East Asia. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that in order to safeguard peace and stability in the region, the two sides must seek to change the situation of strategic stalemate by going beyond historical constraints and using a strategic approach that allows for mutual benefit, in a way that is “peaceful yet different” and “peaceful while seeking commonality.”

4. Democratic consensus in society: Taiwan is a young, multi-ethnic and immigrant society with diverging opinions about national identity and a volatile social consensus. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that in order to build democratic public consensus and to strengthen a social and national identity that centers around modern citizenship, any foreign or security policy that concerns Taiwan’s core interests, including decisions about Taiwan’s future, changes in the current status of independence, as well as the formulation and implementation of important foreign policies, should be decided upon in accordance with the principles and procedures of democracy.

5. A secure defense mechanism: In addition to the Chinese military threat and China’s “Three Wars” approach (the legal, psychological, and public opinion wars), Taiwan also faces threats to its territory and environment, as well possible epidemics, destructive terrorist attacks and other non-traditional security threats. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that in response to both these new and these traditional security threats, we must strengthen the awareness of security issues among the people, build vigilance, and prepare a security and defense mechanism that can respond to military threats and crises, thereby ensuring Taiwan’s national security and the security of its people’s property.

III. Policy positions

1. Uphold universal values of fairness and justice to serve as a shared basis for international engagement: The biggest difference between Taiwan and Communist China lies in Taiwan’s pursuit of values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights. The Democratic Progressive Party advocates that Taiwan must conduct its exchanges with the international community, share its democratic experience, pursue progressive values, and create common strategic interests based on this moral foundation. On numerous transnational issues such as energy resource shortage, climate change, environmental pollution, poverty, epidemic prevention and terrorism, Taiwan as a member of the global village, albeit not a formal member of the relevant international organizations, should contribute and fulfill its international duties to the best of its ability in order to advance international harmony and promote the well being of humanity.

2. Reinforce the strategic partnership with the United States: The United States has occupied a decisive position in Taiwanese security affairs for a long time. A long-term and friendly relationship of strategic cooperation exists between the two countries. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that for the future, Taiwan must proceed to strengthen this strategic partnership, rebuild and deepen strategic mutual trust and strategic consensus, effectively coordinate Taiwan-U.S. interests in every respect, strengthen the institutional arrangements for Taiwan-U.S. engagement on security matters, and increase the depth and breadth of trade, social, and cultural cooperation.

3. Strengthen cooperation with countries in the Asia-Pacific region, and protect regional peace: Because of geo-strategic and historical reasons, Taiwan has had close relations with Japan. South Korea, ASEAN, India and other countries in the Asia-Pacific region are currently facing the common challenge of a rising China. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that Taiwan should continue to deepen its ties with Japan, as well as actively intensify cooperation and dialogue with other countries in the Asia-Pacific region, project soft power, enhance existing ties, strengthen trade and investment links, promote public diplomacy, advance closer exchange and cooperation between NGOs and other private entities, build closer political, economic, social, cultural and security relations, strengthen cooperation on regional affairs, and jointly safeguard security and peace in the region.

4. Build a stable mechanism through a strategic approach of mutual interest: The core of the problem in the cross-strait strategic stalemate concerns conflicts over sovereignty. We acknowledge that Beijing insists on its “One-China Principle” position. However, Beijing must also understand the reality that the Taiwanese people, having gone through the historical processes of freeing themselves from foreign rule and seeking democratization, are opposed to a one-party system and committed to upholding the independence of their sovereignty. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that Taiwan and China must reach an understanding that is based on reality and the fact that the two sides are different, yet at the same time express a shared desire for seeking commonality and strategic mutual interests, all with the goal of developing a stable mechanism that would benefit the pursuit of peaceful development on both sides.

5. Construct a framework for peaceful and stable interaction between Taiwan and China: The process of seeking strategic mutual interest between Taiwan and China must take place through exchange, dialogue, the settlement of differences, and conflict management. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that both sides, under the principles of equality and reciprocity, should engage in multilevel dialogue to exchange views on multilevel and multifaceted topics, and establish mechanisms for solving relevant issues. Through such mechanisms, and by gradually building a multilevel and multifaceted "cross-strait framework for peaceful and stable interaction" for dealing with issues, we seek to sustain a stable and constructive bilateral relationship.

6. Promote balanced China-Taiwan trade relations within the global trade picture: Ever since maritime navigation has taken off, Taiwan’s international trade activities have been balanced and outward-oriented. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that with the present trends in globalization, Taiwan should adopt a balanced approach toward its economic and trade strategy with cross-strait trading activities being an important part of its global outreach. Particularly at a time when China’s economic development is moving more and more towards a special type of state capitalism centered around powerful elites, Taiwan should conduct its dealings with China in concert with the rest of the world in order to respond to this special Chinese form of development.

7. Promote diverse diplomacy through soft power; obtain the support of the international community: Taiwan is a country that successfully transitioned from an authoritarian developing state to a developed young democracy, and one which has gathered considerable experience in terms of economy, values, culture, and technology. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that Taiwan should value this kind of soft power, as well as put the power of civil society to use, promote diverse diplomacy, and tell the international community the success-story of how 23 million Taiwanese people pursued democracy, freedom and justice under unfavorable circumstances at home and abroad. Taiwan should also strive to obtain the support of the international community, actively participate in international humanitarian relief efforts and contribute to finding a solution for transnational issues such as climate change, environmental pollution, poverty, and the prevention of epidemics.

8. Advance multifaceted social and cultural exchanges between Chinese and Taiwanese civil society: The robustness of Taiwanese civil society is an important foundation for Taiwan’s successful democratization. Over the past few years, there have been indications that China’s civil society has been slowly and painfully growing, and that it may turn into an important factor for China’s developing in a more positive direction. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that in light of the experience in Taiwan that civil society has played a positive role in its historical development, Taiwan should be concerned with the development of civil society in China, and promote multilevel and multifaceted social and cultural exchanges and dialogue between the civil societies of both sides.

9. Demonstrate the commitment for self-defense, and strengthen the military to protect Taiwan: “Peaceful development” and reconciliation may be the current mainstream talking points. However, we cannot depend solely on the other side’s benevolence for “peace.” Instead, the Taiwanese people must demonstrate a will and a commitment to self-defense to obtain peace. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that in order to safeguard Taiwan’s peace, security, as well as to protect its people’s lives and property, Taiwan must continue to make preparations for a security and defense mechanism that can respond to Chinese hostility or threats to Taiwan’s territorial security. Furthermore, Taiwan must continue to engage in a transformation of its national defense, build renewed awareness of security among its citizens, integrate resources effectively, advance overall military capabilities, and improve contingency response measures.

10. Actively participate in regional security matters; strengthen regional security cooperation and exchanges: In a globalizing world, security matters increasingly require transnational cooperation. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that Taiwan must assure the international community that it will neither develop nor deploy weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear and biological weapons. Taiwan should also seek to expand cooperation with nearby Asia Pacific countries by strengthening transnational cooperation on counter-terrorism and cyberspace security, as well as playing a more active role in international humanitarian aid programs and safeguarding the security of navigation through international waters.

11. Improve maritime law, and manage Taiwan as a maritime country: Taiwan is a maritime country. In order to effectively defend its rights and interests, improve the management of maritime resources, and adapt to changing circumstances, Taiwan must improve legislation of the maritime legal system based on a “Basic Law of the Sea” as soon as possible. Secondly, in order to manage and operate maritime resources effectively, to protect maritime rights and interests, and to strengthen international exchange and cooperation on maritime affairs, Taiwan should promptly integrate and reorganize the decision-making and administrative mechanisms related to maritime affairs.

12. Establish a multilateral consultation mechanism to cooperate in maritime resource development: Taiwan is surrounded by seas on all sides. The surface area of its territorial waters is larger than its land surface, while the waters that are marked as Exclusive Economic Zones are even larger. However, due to the fact that the surrounding countries have different views on rights involving maritime space and the use of related resources, conflict occasionally arises. Therefore, Taiwan’s maritime sovereignty and the right to use its maritime resources are under constant threat. The Democratic Progressive Party believes that the disputes and conflicts related to waters surrounding Taiwan, including the South China Sea, should be resolved by those countries whose interests are affected, as well as within a multilateral framework, and in the spirit of “joint development and setting aside controversies.” The DPP supports the establishment of a multi-lateral consultation and dispute settlement mechanism under international law to enable cooperation in areas such as maritime resource development, pollution prevention, and navigation security, with the goal of jointly maintaining the sustainability of maritime resources as well as peace and security on the seas.

DPP delegation meets Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon

2011-08-17T21:18:00.000-07:00

On August 16, a delegation of women DPP political leaders visited Burma and met with Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at her lakeside residence in Rangoon.

During the one-hour meeting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the DPP delegation held a discussion over the current challenges Burma is facing politically and economically. Aung San Suu Kyi explained to the delegation that her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), are currently engaged in helping the Burmese people in the areas of education, legal aid, and humanitarian assistance. She stated that it is important to “get closer to the people” and that she has also started plans to visit townships outside Rangoon.

When asked about her opinions on sanctions, Aung San Suu Kyi stated that the party’s position has not changed. She called for the sanctions to remain in place until the human rights and political situation in Burma improve. She also noted that people in Burma are frustrated with the economy, namely lack of adequate jobs and the high cost of living. She further mentioned cronyism as the main problem in Burma, which prevents the middle class from emerging, she said. She also stated that, to improve the life of the people, what is needed is “a healthy economy that a genuine democratic society can offer.”

The DPP delegation conveyed a message from Chair Tsai Ing-wen, who wished to express her greetings to Aung San Suu Kyi in person, but as she is currently running as the first female candidate for the next presidential election, she was unable to visit Burma this time. Aung San Suu Kyi said she was glad to see women taking up important roles in politics in Taiwan and expressed her best wishes to the DPP.

The delegation also visited the NLD party headquarters in Rangoon and met with Vice Chairman U Tin Oo and party’s executive committee members before the meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi. The DPP delegation spoke to NLD members about their experiences in fighting for democracy and freedom in Taiwan.

“One party rule never prevails,” said Vice Chairman U Tin Oo after sharing their stories in the struggle for democracy in Burma.

On this mission to Burma, Bi-khim Hsiao said, “It was an honor to personally witness the courage and persistence demonstrated by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her colleagues in the NLD. Most of them spent years in prison, and yet you can feel the energy and optimism that helped them overcome decades of hardship and difficulty. It was truly inspiring. We learned that democracy can’t be taken for granted. We keep the same spirit as our Burmese colleagues and we are committed to continue working with them and together with the international community in bringing change in Burma.”

The DPP delegation members included Bi-khim Hsiao, vice president of the DPP’s New Frontier Foundation; Shyh-fang Liu, deputy mayor of Kaohsiung; Yi-Jin Yeh, legislator; Maysing Yang, vice president of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy; Hsieng-hwei Chang, special assistant to Chair Tsai Ing-wen, and Jessie Chou, DPP international officer.

DPP congratulates new Tibetan Prime Minister Lobsang Sangay

2011-08-16T18:16:00.000-07:00

On August 8, representing the DPP, Legislator Chen Chieh-ju, attended the ceremonies officiating the start of the Tibetan Government’s new Prime Minister Lobsang Sangay. The ceremony comprised of an oath taking ceremony in Dharamshala, India.

Chen delivered a speech titled “Hand in Hand We See the Light of Hope: Warmest Regards from Taiwan”. She first praised the bond between the DDP and the Tibetan Government in Exile. She then referred to an act proposed by the DPP in 2009, which legalized the residency of Tibetans living in Taiwan.

The bond between Tibet and Taiwan has strengthened due to increasing Taiwanese people and NGOs recognizing Tibetan sovereignty and participating in the annual Tibetan March Uprising, she emphasized. She said it was troubling, however, that the KMT administration has in recent years hindered communication between Taipei and Dharamshala in order to prevent provocation with Beijing.

In her speech, Chen also talked on Taiwan and Tibet’s similar position when facing the Beijing government, saying “Although Taiwan and Tibet differ in geographic environment, religion, history, and democratic process, we both are dealing with a regime that denies the value of democracy, violates freedom of religion, ruins the peaceful dialogue, and suppresses human rights.”

She lauded Dalai Lama for his belief in democracy and shared the story of former DPP Chair Lin I-Hsung who turned grief into strength after the Lin Family Massacre.

“You are not alone,” Chen said to the audience and ended her speech with encouragement toward the Tibetan people and Prime Minister Sangay. "Let’s hand in hand help each other, and we shall see the light of hope for the future."

Democracy & Progress July 2011

2011-08-05T19:27:00.000-07:00

DPP statement regarding the South China Sea

2011-07-23T19:15:00.000-07:00

In light of the recent disputes in the South China Sea and the draft agreement on the guidelines for the implementation of the Declaration of Conduct between China and ASEAN, the DPP issued a statement reiterating its position: issues related to the South China Sea must be dealt with in a multilateral framework. Additionally the important principles with regard to environmental protection, sustainable development and peaceful resolution must be in line with: the 2008 Spratly Initiative (proposed by the former DPP administration), the United Nations Charter, the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and the 2002 Declaration of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea.

Furthermore, despite several calls from China for “cooperation between the two sides of the strait” on the South China Sea issue, the DPP urges President Ma Ying-jeou’s Administration to take part in multilateral talks with all parties involved in order to serve Taiwan’s best interest and to preserve regional stability. When he served as Deputy Chair of the Mainland Affairs Council in the 1990‘s, President Ma stated that the two sides of the strait must set aside sovereignty differences and work together on the South China Sea issue, dealing with outside parties in a unified way. The DPP strongly opposes this proposal as we believe that bilateral talks alone will not help in resolving disputes in the region, and will send the wrong message to the international community.

The DPP believes that disputes in the South China Sea will not be effectively resolved solely through bilateral negotiations as we have already seen the escalation of tensions in the region due to military exercises conducted by China, Vietnam, the Philippines and the United States. The DPP believes that only open communication channels, through a multilateral cooperation framework, are the best solution to insure the common interests of all relevant parties and to maintain peace and stability in the region.

DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen has already indicated that Taiwan has its own viewpoint regarding the Spratly Islands – one that is different from China’s claims over the territory. Taiwan should not be restricted to a cross-strait bilateral framework. Only an open multilateral framework will prevent unnecessary tension or potential conflicts in the region.

The DPP reiterates its four core standpoints regarding the South China Sea, which are: to ensure sovereignty; to ensure peace and stability in the region; to enhance multilateral cooperation; and to promote sustainable development. These points are in accordance with the Spratly Initiative proposed by the DPP government in February 2008. The initiative proposed by the DPP advocates for environmental protection, setting aside sovereignty disputes, promotion of sustainable development versus exploiting natural resources, and resolving differences through peaceful means.

2025 Nuclear Free Homeland Initiative

2011-07-21T00:28:00.001-07:00

The DPP has released a policy paper on the 2025 Nuclear Free Homeland Initiative. Below is a Q&A regarding the initiative translated into English.

2025 Nuclear Free Homeland Initiative

Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

Policy Paper 2011

What is the "2025 Nuclear-Free Homeland Initiative"?

The "2025 Nuclear-Free Homeland Initiative" aims to decommission the First, Second and Third Nuclear Power Plant in Taiwan and to prevent the commercial operation of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant. Taiwan will be able to reach its goal of obviating the need for nuclear energy by using other alternative energy sources, improving the power generation efficiency, energy conservation, industrial restructuring, and the liberalization of the electricity industry.

Why 2025?

It’s difficult to give up nuclear energy immediately since it requires the consensus of the whole society. 2025 is the deadline for decommissioning the Third Nuclear Power Plant, but Taiwan has to strive to change the power structure so as to stop using nuclear power by 2025.

How could Taiwan replace nuclear power?

(A) Increase the proportion of renewable energy: the DPP’s initiative calls for increasing renewable energy by about 6.5% of total electricity generation by 2025.

(B) Improve the efficiency of thermal power: In addition to increasing power generation efficiency, invest in thermal power plants in order to reduce the amount of carbon emissions.

(C) Construction of natural gas power plants as priority because natural gas is a cleaner energy, and future power plants should give priority to using natural gas.

What are other methods to reduce power consumption in the long-term?

(A) Energy Conservation: the Government can encourage people to use energy-saving products.

(B) Adjust industrial structure: instead of just focusing on economic growth, we should encourage green policies among energy-intensive industries.

(C) Liberalization of the electricity industry: the government should liberalize the electricity market, which not only alters the issue of Tai-Power’s monopoly, but it also encourages the development of the renewable energy industry

Why should Taiwan completely give up using nuclear power?

Of all the world's 564 nuclear power plants in operation, six of them have experienced accidents, and the probability of more accidents is approximately more than 1%. Japan and Taiwan are both in earthquake-prone areas. For this reason, what happened in Fukushima may also occur in Taiwan. If a severe damage happens in one of the three nuclear power plants near Taipei, tens of millions of people will have to be evacuated, which is a plan that cannot be implemented. Also, it may result in the paralysis of state capital. The cost of shutting down the government and rebuilding the damaged area and the risk of trade and economic loss is too high a price to pay for Taiwan.

Democracy & Progress June 2011

2011-07-11T15:30:00.001-07:00

Tsai Ing-wen's Full Speech at the 57th Congress of Liberal International

2011-06-19T08:30:00.001-07:00

DPP Chair and Presidential Candidate Dr. Tsai Ing-wen's Full Speech at the 57th Congress of the Liberal International in Manila, the Philippines with the central theme: 'Human Rights and Trade'.

Manila June 19, 2011

Liberal friends and colleagues,

It is my honor and pleasure to be among fellow liberals, particularly in such a session with political leaders from Africa, Europe, Latin America and Asia. Although I am a relative newcomer to the circle of political leaders, I feel like I am among family. The warmth and support that Liberal International has shared with the Democratic Progressive Party over the past years, tied together by our common values and beliefs, are exhibited today. My party and I are proud to be part of this global network, and we will continue to seek a proactive role in promoting a liberal and democratic global agenda through Liberal International.

I am especially pleased to be able to take part in my first Liberal International Congress here in the Philippines, Taiwan’s closest neighbor. Like the Philippines, over the last few centuries, Taiwan has been through periods of colonialism, war, and rule by authoritarian regimes. Yet our peoples have diligently worked to lift our nations through a period of rapid economic development and into the modern industrial age. And in the mid- to late- eighties, our peoples staged peaceful revolutions that inaugurated an era of modern democracy in the region.

Yesterday evening several hundred Taiwanese living in the Philippines hosted a political rally for me at Club Filipino, a site that also commemorates the 1986 People Power revolution. That was the same year that we broke the ban on opposition parties under Martial Law and established the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan. And although we continue to cope with challenges in our not yet perfect political systems, our two nations were indeed part of a wave of democratization that demonstrates to the world: Contrary to the claims of a few Asian leaders, we Asians are perfectly capable of building systems and institutions of democracy in which the people are empowered to make decisions about their future.

While we celebrate the political achievements of our fellow member parties who lead their nations toward democratic progress, we must bear in mind that there are others who are in much more difficult conditions, and it is our duty as fellow liberals and democrats to extend our concern and support toward the freedom fighters and democracy activists who continue to struggle in tremendous hardship. Among CALD (Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats) members, for example, Sam Rainsy, who is here today (another speaker) has been deprived of his parliamentary immunity and has no choice but to campaign in exile. The LI Prize for Freedom recipient Chee Soon Juan of Singapore is banned from leaving his country and thus cannot be with us here today. Another member party, the Burmese National League for Democracy, had been struggling under conditions where the basic freedoms of many of their leaders and members were restrained. Even though some rudimentary progress is now happening in Burma, there is a long way to go before free and fair elections can become a reality.

The even greater challenge for those of us interested in promoting democracy in Asia is China. The rise of China that is authoritarian impacts not only Taiwan’s international survival, it has far-reaching consequences around the world. Therefore it is important for us to work with the rest of the world, especially those concerned about the future of democracy, to engage constructively with China, to ensure that China’s rise is peaceful, stable, and consistent with responsibilities we would all expect of a great power.

The theme of this Congress, Human Rights and Trade, is particularly pertinent as we deal with China. The Congress concept paper asks the question: How do we balance basic human rights with economic interests? All too often, in the current state of the global political economy, economic leverage is applied to silence critics on human rights; economic strength is also utilized as a base for expanding political and military influence. I don’t think we would be so uncomfortable with China’s economic rise if it weren’t for the fact that it is an authoritarian government. Recent moves by the Chinese government to intensify its internet censorship and control, the arrests of more bloggers, lawyers and activists and even artists such as Ai Weiwei, are worrisome. This, added to more aggressive international behavior, most notably in the South China Sea, creates many challenges that we as liberals must jointly face.

We are operating in an extremely complex environment, where there is a shift in global power on a systemic level. The United States, which has dominated global politics since the end of the cold war, is over-extended overseas and limited in capacity by rising domestic economic and social troubles. In the meantime, China is rapidly growing in a complex web of global interdependencies, both positive and negative: advances in technologies, transportation, and communication on the one hand, with degradation of the environment, the spread of nuclear weapons, growing income disparities and social unrest on the other. We are all relevant parties to China’s growth, and yet we must all bear together the environmental, security and social consequences.

The international debate around how to deal with China surrounds two main arguments. Some optimists believe that more engagement with China will give the outside world an opportunity to have an influence on changing China, integrating China into conformity with international rules, norms, and standards of behavior. Others see China continuing on the same path: Liberalizing economically but maintaining an authoritarian system that is also capable of modernizing and adapting to changes. The pessimists worry that a rising China that is authoritarian will attempt to develop an alternative world order, and that a balance-of-power strategy is needed to contain such a scenario.

We in the DPP believe that both integration and balance are needed. Integration generates opportunities for business and travel, and it will give more and more Chinese people a chance to witness and experience alternative political systems. At the same time, we must balance and hedge against risks, managing the relationship in a way that would safeguard our values and interests.

From a Taiwan perspective, we believe it is in our best interest to deal with China in a multilateral framework, where international rules and regulations help to balance China’s growingly asymmetrical leverage and influence. We must be practical as our business community takes advantage of the growing economic opportunities in China, but at the same time we must be vigilant in guarding our most cherished values, mainly democracy and human rights. The reality is that over a century apart, the two sides across the Taiwan Strait have evolved distinctly. Our politics and societies have evolved on different paths, and we in the DPP are particularly committed to preserving the free choice of the Taiwanese people to determine their own future. Yet at the same time, we also recognize that there are commonalities and shared interests, and that is in the joint pursuit of peaceful development. Therefore the DPP is also committed, for we see it as part of our responsibility to the international community, to play a part in preserving peace and stability in the region, and in establishing a peaceful and stable mechanism for interacting with China without compromising our values.

Our doors are open to Chinese visitors who are sincerely interested in understanding the DPP. At our party headquarters and through our think tank, we have engaged in dialogue with some visiting Chinese delegations. We have also taken initiative to invite Chinese dissidents and activists, some of them exiled overseas, to organize election observation trips. Hopefully through such exchanges we can enhance understanding to minimize the chances of miscalculations, and we can also help the Chinese people and government better understand the functioning of the democratic system that we have worked so hard to build.

In dealing with China and other countries, one of the multilateral frameworks for raising human rights questions and promoting democracy is through party-to-party networks such as Liberal International. As political parties representing liberal values, we are not constrained by traditional state-to-state diplomacy that needs to take into account varying sectors of domestic interests and calculations of international power. Of course, whether in and out of government, we must always have a realistic grasp of international circumstances and the conditions under which we operate. But as a political network we also stand for values, and it is our values and policies that distinguish our existence from other political parties. The benefit of having a network to act, instead of leaving the pressures to individual political parties to bear, is that collective and multilateral action adds strength to our voice. Who can better articulate a collective voice of principle, a voice of ideals, and a voice of belief in democracy and human rights, than a network of liberal political parties?

That is why we, the Democratic Progressive Party, has chosen to be a proactive member of Liberal International, doing what we can to help strengthen the network’s presence in Asia and with a particular emphasis on human rights.

Although my party has been through a very difficult period since our electoral defeats in 2008, our commitment to the promotion of democracy and human rights is unwavering.

In April my party decided to nominate me as its presidential candidate for the next election in January. We have been through a difficult three years in our domestic politics, but I believe my party’s selection of me not only as leader of the party but also presidential candidate, illustrates a collective desire for our country to move forward. We must build on past achievements, but we must also constantly reflect and renew, so that we can enhance our competence and refine our capacity to govern, and hopefully we will win back the mandate next year.

It is our hope that as we move forward in upholding our values and pursing our public policies, we will continue to have the support of our liberal friends around the world. There is much to learn from each other, whether we are in or out of government. And from our part, the DPP is proud to continue our active participation through this international network of political parties committed to freedom, liberty, democracy and responsible government.

As we are here enjoying the hospitality of the organizers, I also hope that in the near future we will have an opportunity to host all of you Taiwan, as the governing party, too. But before that we have tough election campaigns for the President and the legislature. The blessing and concern of LI member parties for us in previous election campaigns are memorable and much appreciated. You are all more than welcomed to come through Taiwan again to observe our upcoming elections in January, and we hope we can count on your continuing support for Taiwan’s democracy as we celebrate a new era in Taiwan’s democratic progress.

Tsai Ing-wen's Interview with the BBC

2011-06-17T02:40:00.000-07:00

Tsai Ing-wen's Full Speech at the Seminar on Future and Challenges of Democracy & Human Rights - June 1

2011-06-03T04:41:00.000-07:00

"Democracy is the critical cornerstone for China’s peaceful rise, and even more, it is the critical cornerstone for peaceful cross-strait development"

DPP Chair and New Frontier Foundation President Tsai Ing-wen’s comments at the Seminar on Future and Challenges of Democracy and Human Rights - June 1, 2011

Good Morning!

The June 4th Massacre represents an important historical incident in Chinese history, which has affected China’s development over the past ten years and it has deeply influenced their future progress, especially in political development. The DPP has paid constant attention to China’s democratization and human rights because these are extremely important norms. It is admirable that Taiwan, thanks to the sacrifices made by many people, underwent a difficult process to achieve democracy and human rights, a process which intensified in the late 1970s. For this reason, the think tank is holding this seminar today to discuss with our friends throughout the world, who care about democracy and human rights, the future and challenges faced by China’s democratization.

Twenty years after the June 4th incident, China has gone through great reform. Its economic growth has increased in such a way that it has become a regional power. Its influence and economic power have gradually grown so large that the entire world is paying close attention. Scholars nowadays discuss China’s pride and confidence which has grown out of its economic development through the so-called “China Model” and the “Chongqing Socialism 3.0 model”.

This kind of economic fruits is indeed dazzling, but there are also many criticisms of the kind of growth driven by the power of big government, which can cause great damage to democracy and human rights. Already we have seen that, despite China’s rapid economic growth, its human rights situation, democratic development and rule of law have not improved, and suppression of freedom of expression has not been relaxed. The “maintenance of stability” has substituted for “democracy”, becoming the government’s main method in handling reform.

Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo wrote “Charter 08”, which was launched in 2008. For this, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison. Last year, he was not given the right to attend the awards ceremony and since then he has been held incommunicado, not even given the privilege of seeing his relatives. The images from the empty chair at the Nobel Peace Awards Ceremony were profoundly moving. In early April, creative, outspoken and well-known international artist Ai Weiwei was also taken by the Chinese government by unwarranted arrest and detention and is now still missing. For criticizing the government, a number of pro-reform intellectuals and activists have been harassed, intimidated and imprisoned on charges of “subversion of state power”. And when the people of China were inspired by the Jasmine Revolution and issued the slogan “political reform, long live democracy”, they were met with a large-scale police repression as a response.

Human rights is a universal value and democracy is the cornerstone guarantee for human rights. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao has talked many times about political reform and giving people happiness and dignity, but without freedom of expression, political freedom, human rights, security and true democracy, “happiness” and “dignity” can only be gifts that authoritarian governments give out at random. We wish to express our deepest condolences to the people who sought reform and fought against power, becoming the victims of this fight. We strongly appeal to the Chinese government to start listening to the voices of democracy and start political reform to move toward democratization. Only with democracy, can the people obtain happiness. The right path is to let society gain true harmony and to let China achieve a peaceful rise.

From the viewpoints of the 23 million people in Taiwan, democracy is a foundation for our national system, our security’s basic line of defense and the only option for our livelihood. It is through the choice and practice of democratic values that Taiwan differs from China. China’s one-party autocratic system will hardly be an acceptable option for the people of Taiwan. The establishment of cross strait relations cannot come at a sacrifice of Taiwan’s democratic values. Most importantly, democracy must be employed to uphold the values we hold most dear in order to safeguard a comprehensive option for our future generations. We firmly believe that democracy goes beyond ethnicities and national boundaries, as well as being a value globally pursued. Democracy also represents the cornerstone to resolve any cross strait disputes and a collective aspiration for peace and stability, prosperity and development.

Therefore, not only do we pay close attention to China’s democratization, but we also keep reminding ourselves of the difficulties faced in Taiwan’s democratization process in order to consolidate our hard-won democratic achievements. It is regrettable, however, that since President Ma Ying-jeou took office, the critical attitude and concern surrounding the persecution of human rights by China on June 4th has changed. In order to promote cross strait exchanges and negotiations, our government has been silent and tolerant on the suppression of freedom of expression and the arrests of democracy activists by China. This negative attitude will not help move forward positive change in China, and it will cause a regression of Taiwan’s human rights and democracy standards. From 2008 on, it has become a worrisome warning that Taiwan’s freedom of the press plunged from 32nd to 48th in ranking.

Once again, we solemnly demand that our government demonstrate through concrete actions our support of democratic reform in China. We must clearly express to the world that Taiwan places a high importance on and holds a firm position concerning democracy and human rights. Furthermore, democracy and human rights must be included in the list of topics for cross strait exchanges so that human rights provisions are integrated into any agreements signed with China, making the best use of our democratic assets and supporting China’s democratization process. The DPP will continue to be concerned about China’s democratization. The DPP will also take an active role in engaging in dialogue with China’s democracy activists, at the same time supporting the deepening of Taiwan’s democracy and encouraging China to take a freer and more democratic path.

Very recently, well-known Chinese author Han Han wrote in articles that he hoped China had “both a clean environment and the air of freedom, so that we can drink and laugh as power is caged and not just talk forever about freedom”. We expect to work together so that democracy can take root in China, so that both sides can share the fruits of peaceful development and so that the “jasmine flower” may continue to grow on the air of freedom.

Thank You!

Democracy & Progress May 2011

2011-06-01T20:23:00.001-07:00

DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen officially endorsed as presidential candidate

2011-05-09T00:15:00.000-07:00

The DPP officially endorsed Chair Tsai Ing-wen as the presidential candidate for the DPP in 2012. The ceremony took place at the party headquarters on May 4.

Below is DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen’s statement:

“The past primary process was a meaningful democratic ritual, and the visions, as well as the demeanor, of Former Premier Su and Former Chair Hsu, gave me a reminder that I must forever remain modest and embrace my ideals. I sincerely thank the people for their trust and for the entire party for their support. Becoming the presidential candidate for the DPP is for me not just an honor, but also a responsibility.

“Facing the country’s biggest challenges ahead and with the people eagerly awaiting, I vow to exert all my efforts in gaining victory so to embark on a new start for Taiwan. I also appeal to my contenders and all the team behind the campaign battle to collectively enter a contest that fulfills the spirit of democracy and adhere to rationality so we can restore the public’s faith in democratic politics.

“The 2012 elections will neither be a confrontation between the DPP and the KMT nor a competition between Tsai Ing-wen and Ma Ying-jeou. This election will represent restoring Taiwan’s national value and motivating the power of the next generation. By pursuing a victory for this election, we are opening a new era. Thus, I fully expect that we not only win, but we, during this process, accumulate the energy for reform. And at last in governance, we will bring Taiwan to the correct path.”

Democracy & Progress April 2011

2011-05-02T20:34:00.001-07:00

DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen is primary winner, polling results announced

2011-04-26T22:25:00.000-07:00

The following are the results of the DPP poll for the presidential primary:

Hsu Hsing-liang 12.21% v. Ma Ying-jeou 51.45%

Tsai Ing-wen 42.50% v. Ma Ying-jeou 35.04%

Su Tseng-chang 41.15% v. Ma Ying-jeou 33.79%

Based on this result, Tsai Ing-wen is the winner of the DPP presidential primary.

At the April 27 press conference, DPP Acting Chair Ker Chian-ming, along with Secretary-General Su Chia-chuan and Chen Jung-lin, Director of the DPP’s Survey Dept., announced the results of the DPP poll for the presidential primary. DPP Chair Tsai Ing-wen won the primary with an average 42.5%, becoming the candidate to represent the DPP at the 2012 presidential election.

Acting Chair Ker thanked the entire party for their efforts during this primary period. He also expressed his sincere appreciation for the public nationwide for their support of the DPP.

He said, “In this primary, the DPP held four televised presentations giving all three candidates a platform to clearly express their governing vision. This process symbolized a form of democratic style, a Taiwan value and also a core value of the DPP. We can proudly and confidently say that this is something that the old KMT is not able to achieve.

Acting Chair Ker emphasized that the announcement of the primary result represents the “beginning of cooperation and the start of new challenges and responsibilities”. He also said that it “now is the time to change the ineptitude of the Ma Administration”.

Director of the DPP’s Survey Dept. Chen Jung-lin said that this poll was carried out by five polling companies, out of seven, randomly selected by representatives from the three candidates. He noted that among the three candidates, two showed an average ahead of the KMT’s Ma Ying-jeou.

For the full poll result data, please click: DPP 2012 Primary Poll Result

DPP presidential primary polling process announced

2011-04-21T23:43:00.000-07:00

The DPP held a press conference on April 21 to announce the polling process for the presidential primary. The winner of the presidential primary will be conducted through the polling method. Five polling companies will make telephone calls to households with voting rights, and it will be held for two days and possibly extended to a third day to complete the 3,000 successful samples required for each polling company.

The results will be announced as early as Wednesday April 27 noon or Thursday April 28 noon.
An official launching of the candidate will be held on May 4th.

For full explanation of the polling process, please see: DPP Presidential Primary Polling Process

DPP Japan Donation Drive reaches to a close, NT85+ million wired directly to Red Cross in Japan

2011-04-20T20:43:00.001-07:00

The DPP Japan Donation Drive for victims of Japan’s March 11 earthquake has reached to a close. The one-month donation drive took place from March 16 to April 16, and a total of NT85 million and 408,096 thousand was wired directly to the Red Cross of Japan on April 18. The DPP shouldered all administrative costs, meaning that all donations given by the public went directly to the Red Cross in Japan.

Former Premier and Central Standing Committee Member Frank Hsieh hosted the press conference on April 20 at the DPP, announcing the total amount collected. Other members of the DPP's Central Standing Committee also gathered at the press conference to show the DPP's support of Japan.

Former Premier Hsieh said that this time’s donation drive organized by the DPP was held in “accordance with the law, in time and in full”.

“Taiwan is small in size, but our care for others is big,” Former Premier Hsieh said. “Whether we face a domestic or foreign tragedy, people are always enthusiastically donating.”

Former Premier Hsieh appealed the Ma Administration to face the security issues of our nuclear power plants as a result of the nuclear crisis in Japan. He emphasized that our government must produce a comprehensive nuclear energy policy, especially addressing the security issues of the first, second and third nuclear power plants in Taiwan.