Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen's Remarks at the DPP National Party Congress

Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen made the following remarks during the 16th session of the Democratic Progressive Party's National Party Congress that took place on July 20th: 

Good afternoon Chairperson Su, Chairperson Hsieh, esteemed guests, party delegates and our party colleagues.

We are a political party. Politics is what we do. But at times, we must also ask ourselves: just what is politics? This is, in fact, a question I’ve often continued to quiz myself on since entering politics.

Just a few days ago, I saw an expression in a movie - it left a very deep impression on me. The expression stated that: ‘Politics exists as a strong response to the difficulties we face as a country.’ 

And without a doubt, Taiwan is in a time of crisis. The current administration has continued to fail to respond to growing public discontent and the increasing challenges we face. It has also at times even chosen to stand in opposition to the public will.

As a result, today thus represents a very important moment. Here at the our National Party Congress, we declare that the people have had enough. The time for change has arrived. Through our local administrations, we will transform the everyday lives of the Taiwanese people. Through their good governance, we will reacquire the public's trust in politics.  

In the near future, we will make very effort to forge a new road of reform to rechart our country's path following the six years of KMT mismanagement. This road of reform will be an important precursor for the DPP's return to power. 

And so to all those who are frustrated with this administration's inefficiency, we want to say that the moment of reform has arrived. The public deserves a better way of living. It deserves a government that is not only more efficient, but also more capable. This year, 2014, will be the year when change comes to Taiwan. We will give those in government both a warning and a lesson. But more importantly, we will give Taiwan an opportunity for a new beginning.

Today, I have a few words to express how I feel. They are "We must be cautious because we are treading on thin ice". Leading this party is a great honor, but at the same time, it is also of the heaviest of responsibilities. 

To all of our party colleagues seated here today, I know that our common objective is to see this party win. But for us to do so, we must persuade voters through our values. Every vote they cast is not just a choice in favor of a candidate; but indeed, it is an expression of their choice in values. So it is clear that if the DPP's values are not accepted by the people, then we will not achieve true victory.

As a result, our victory must be build on a victory of values and of ideals. It cannot be build on our opponents' failure in governance.

If our victory is dependent soley on the KMT's mismanagement in government, than this victory will be fleeting and it will be a short-lived victory. It will not bring about the change that we want to see or lead Taiwan post the challenges that so clearly exist.

A look at our current situation shows us that those challenges are enormous; our economy has lost its engine for growth in the lack of a comprehensive economic strategy.  The constitutional structure we have is broken and is unable to properly reflect the public will. Our cross-strait relationship lacks transparency and has, in fact, been monopolized by business interests. Across generations, our country has lost it grasp of fairness, and the people are losing hope in their future. 

With our county in this deep of a crisis, our responsibility continues to grow. And with the increasing hope and expectation now placed on the DPP, we need to become more mindful, and vigilant in our duties.

If we accept that politics exists as a strong response to the difficulties we face as a country, the we, as politicians, must take on a greater share of responsibility and duty for our common objectives. We must understand the challenges we face and the issues that matter to our citizens.

And what are those issues?

There are ones that affect their everyday lives; the staggering cost of housing, the increasing cost of everyday goods, and stagnating salaries. These are the issues that the public is rightfully angry about.

Then there is education. The dysfunctional plan for a 12-year mandatory education system has left our children at a loss as to what comes next.

The people also care about social welfare. For a middle class family, the increasing difficulty in taking care of the young and the elderly, further to the increasing price of everyday goods, have left people asking: "Where is the government?"

There are also problems attached to the question of food safety; 'What is safe to eat? How is it that the business that have illegally profited from selling tainted food products escaped the reach of the law?'

The KMT administration is clearly unable to manage these challenges that we face and to resolve the public discontent that has grown as a result. And in the future, the failure to address the challenges that are sure to come will lead the public to lose all trust in what the government can do. As such, it is quite evident that this government is one that is no longer capable of managing this country. 

And while this is taking place - our government in disarray and public content growing by the day - where is the president and what is he going?

He is busy. He is busy battling political foes to concentrate is own authority. He is occupied in using this country’s fragile cross-strait relationship to attain for himself some sort of historical significance. And he is engaged – in criticizing the opposition and using this confrontation to shore up his flagging popularity. 

It is clear that under his administration, the people have lost their trust in politics and in the future.

As a result of this, there are people that believe that all politics is bad and that both parties are the same. But I want to tell everyone here: To believe this is a mistake.
We look back at our own motivations for entering politics. Why did we choose the DPP – the poorer party, the one that was without resources?

It was because this party was idealistic. Within its founding spirit, this was a party that possessed the desire to formulate change in Taiwan’s politics.

It was also because of our values: Our hope for this country’s future and the desire to see the people hold on to a better one. And I’m sure that was the reason why most of us here decided to enter politics. As a result, this party remains the party of ideals for the future.

In the past, this party has proposed many different visions for the future of this country. Many times, we were in the minority when these policies were proposed. But over time, much of these proposals gradually entered the mainstream. And as time goes on, we have continued to refine and adjust those ideas so that they progress in step with the present.
We were the first party to propose the concept of building a welfare state. In opposition, we supported a broad policy of subsidies. Later in government, we also established a pension program. Now we are planning a system of comprehensive care as part of our plan to continue to improve Taiwan’s welfare structure.

We were also the party that steadfastly advocated a nuclear-free homeland, enshrining our position into the party platform at a time when opposition to nuclear power was in the minority . In 2010 we put forth an agenda for achieving a nuclear-free homeland by 2025; and today, the goal of eliminating nuclear power has become the mainstream opinion in our society.

At the same time, we have always been the party that places Taiwan first and supports Taiwan-centric values. Even during the martial law era, when it was illegal to have a Taiwanese identity, we pushed ahead with the idea that the future of our country could only be determined by the people of Taiwan. And with the passage of time, we enshrined the definition of Taiwan and the Republic of China as a sovereign and independent country in the 1999 ‘Resolution on Taiwan’s Future” ’ – and that any change to this will have to require the approval of our 23 million citizens. In modern Taiwanese society, this is the proposal that has already reached the strongest of all consensuses.

Now, as we look to the future and the difficult challenges that this country faces, we must once again start from ourselves. We must reflect, and we must reform.

To do so, we will open the doors to the DPP. We will integrate the party with society and society with the party. And we have endeavored to include the many different voices we have in society in our party personnel and in the board of directors for our think tank, the New Frontier Foundation.

In order to make civic participation a reality, we have already begun the process of public discussions both on-line and in person. Through our interactive platform – DPP on Line – we will empower each and every citizen to be able to raise their own proposals for our party to work on. And this is a mechanism that will serve as a constant remainder for us to be able to acutely respond to what the public expects of the DPP.

At the same time, the party’s internal structure is also undergoing a process of change. The handover of responsibilities to the emerging generation of leaders is well underway. As part of our self-assessment and reform, we are employing younger staff in greater numbers, and at the same time giving them greater responsibilities. And in the process of changing Taiwan – we want to emphasis that the DPP is not alone. We continue to coordinate with each of the forces in opposition so that we can affect the kind of diversification, rejuvenation and invigoration that are party wants to see.

Furthermore, to encourage greater numbers of younger people to enter politics and public affairs, we have launched a ‘Grassroots Democracy’ plan to support young candidates in borough and village chief elections. We will , empower them to initiate change from in their own hometowns from the bottom-up. We have also formed a ‘“Youth Congress’ project” to cultivate the next generation of Taiwan’s .social and political leaders.

In the discussion of public policy, the DPP will become more forceful in reflecting the concerns on this country’s future shown by many of our citizens. In both the Citizens Economics Conference’’ and the ‘Citizen’s Constitutional Conference’ that we have coming up, we will begin to engage in a wide-ranging dialogue about our “‘new model of economic development,' as well as alternatives for reforming our constitutional framework. Our hope is that the DPP, together with civil society, can put forth consensus-based proposals that are able to address the daunting task of addressing Taiwan’s many challenges.

The DPP is also changing in other ways; we hope to infuse it with more capacity and more vitality, so that it becomes capable of not only reflecting concerns raised by the public, but also to reform and change itself so that it can more closely understand what the public wants to see. And we will continue to make the DPP even stronger and better prepared to respond to the challenges that we continue to face as a country.

‘Clean and Diligent Governance: Pushing Forwards with New Reform’ is the theme of this year’s National Party Congress. The theme is also a solemn remainder for us. We must constantly ask ourselves whether we are ready and prepared to deal with the challenges we face. 

The theme also reflects the expectations that the society holds towards the DPP, as well as the standard by which we will judge ourselves. For it is clear that if our actions become diverge from those words, we will lose the support of the people.

As a result, at the DPP, we cannot only make the promise of reform to the people. From this day forward, we must also engage the full range of our capabilities to push forward this task as a response to our challenges. The 2014 elections will mark the beginning of the transformation of Taiwan’s politics.

Based on our values, we will continue to push forward, on Taiwan’s road to reform. This is a road that will also lead to the DPP’s return to governance. I invite everyone to join us in this forward march . Together, we will accomplish the monumental task of reform, and together we will overcome our country’s national crisis. Please accompany me as partners in our undertaking. Thank you very much.

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Chair Tsai Ing-wen: Our Role in Maintaining Regional Stability

Chair Tsai Ing-wen's remarks at session with Taiwan Foreign Correspondents Club on July 1 at the DPP Headquarters. 

Good afternoon. I’d like to welcome all of you today to the DPP and I’d like to especially thank the Taiwan Foreign Correspondents Club for joining us and ensuring that we have a very productive session today.

During my last talk with the TFCC in 2011, one of the main issues that I talked about was the importance of maintaining the right balance in our external relations: the balance in our relationship with China and the rest of the world. With the events that have taken place in Taiwan over the past year, and especially the recent controversies over the Service Trade Agreement and the political context of our relationship with China, it is clear that this topic continues to be of the highest importance. 

To start, many things have been said about the DPP and free trade. It is important to note and iterate that the DPP is not against trade liberalization. Our economy is dependent on trade, and for us trade liberalization and globalization is not a question. It is a challenge and an opportunity that Taiwan must deal with. And we must do so in a manner that will provide the greatest benefit to our economy and is acceptable to the public here.

This is a process that also has to be closely monitored and carefully supervised. We have to ensure that those who are less likely to benefit from the open market and free trade are looked after.

Hilary Clinton, as you may know, recently made a number of remarks about Taiwan’s economic relationship with China. She mentioned that we must decide ‘how economically dependent do we want to be?’ She also said that Taiwan must look at the ‘unintended consequences’ of this relationship. I agree. For China, it cannot just be one economic agreement after another, without looking at questions of our economic and political dependency, its impact on our economy and our relationships with our other trading partners.

China is important. But this relationship cannot take place in isolation. This is why we have expressed to our friends in the US and elsewhere, our interest in the TPP, the RCEP and other trading blocs. And as our partners in the US have mentioned on many occasions, integration in the TPP is a process that does not, as President Ma claims, have to go through China.

Second is matter of Taiwan’s defense. Under President Ma’s administration, we have seen a continuous shift of resources away from national defense; at the same time that our military imbalance with China continues to grow rapidly. I believe that a solid national defense is essential for Taiwan to be able to negotiate on equal footing with Beijing.

A future DPP government will signal a renewed priority in national defense. To do so, we will start with a commitment to raise military spending to 3% of GDP, which the current administration has consistently failed to do, and to use defense budgets more wisely. With increased tensions in the region especially between Japan and China, as well as in the South China Sea, we feel there is a need for Taiwan to play an active role in ensuring peace and stability with our neighbors and think creatively about how to resolve longstanding problems.

Finally, is the matter of our cross-strait relationship. What we have seen over the past few years is the failure to properly manage our cross-strait relationship with the Taiwanese public. Our people have been quite clear, including what we saw during Zhang Zhijun’s visit to Taiwan, that discussions over the cross-strait situation cannot supersede our freedoms, liberties, democracy and way of life.

At the DPP, we understand the importance of managing this relationship so that it is credible and acceptable to the Taiwanese public. In the past, the KMT’s monopolization of dialogue with China has led to misunderstandings in what China can expect. For our part, we need to ensure that China knows that public opinion and a respect for our democracy remains the highest guiding principle in cross-strait relations, so that they can adjust their expectations accordingly.

We must continue to improve the quality of dialogue with China to provide them with this alternative view. This will be done through cross-strait exchanges as well as effective communication about our policies and our platform. To be clear, under a future DPP administration, maintaining peace and stability for Taiwan and the region will be of the highest priority. Strong communication will ensure that cross-strait ties remain consistent and predictable to China and the international community.

Again, I would like to thank you for joining us at the DPP today.

 

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Message by DPP Chair Su Tseng-chang

April 14 - In my heart, I’ve been standing by Taiwan and the Taiwanese people since assuming the chair position. I believe that for this party, we must all strive to win the 2014 elections in order to build a victorious foundation for the DPP’s return to power.

As a founding member of the DPP, I have deep feelings for this party. The last two years, I’ve felt the deeper-level expectations of the people towards the DPP. The DPP’s support rate has climbed over the last year, surpassing that of the KMT, which is a gratifying achievement. Nevertheless, the people’s expectations are reflective of values that shield Taiwan, in which the people’s rights are protected and where the DPP stands unselfishly united. We can still reach this demand by the people towards the DPP.

Now, the students’ movement is flourishing and growing, and the 2014 plan to end the construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant is taking priority. We are not far from the November 2014 elections. Our power resources cannot be scattered, and the DPP must not be in disorder. With less internal conflicts, the party will suffer less damages. After careful consideration, I’ve decided not to seek for the chair re-election since two of the former chairs have already announced their desire to do so.

The next wave of democracy is here. The people will not wait for the DPP, and the future of the party depends on partnering with the people. I cannot bear to see the party being ripped apart, therefore, I have chosen to let go and to take a step back. Yet, in everything under the sun, my everlasting purpose to work for Taiwan will not cease.

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DPP Chair Su Tseng-chang's remarks at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London

Professor Fell of the Center of Taiwan Studies, distinguished scholars, ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon.

It is my absolute delight to come to this great country, a country I had a chance to visit before but have longed ever since for a more formal visit. My wish has come true today, and it is my great honor to address you, prominent scholars and brilliant students in this important academy of Asian and African studies.

Here I would like to stress the very basic concept of “responsibility” as my philosophy in domestic politics, economics, and international relations. It has carried me before, and will continue to carry me and my party toward the future.

Common Value--democracy

While visiting London, I cannot but think of democracy, the modern political system that finds its origin here. It is not an overstatement to say that I come here as a pilgrim to the holy shrine of democracy. I am very happy to tell you today that democracy has become a value deeply rooted in the hearts of the Taiwanese.

The model of a democratic political system has inspired many other countries, including my own. In Taiwan, martial law had ruled for 38 years until 1987. The simple yet noble ideal of having democracy rid us of political tyranny motivated the people of Taiwan to bravely pursue our great transformation. In 1986 with martial law still in effect, I and 17 other members risked our lives to found the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the first opposition party in Taiwan, to embark on the path to democracy. We did this not to gain power, but to be responsible for the long-term development of Taiwan, and to be responsible to our children and grandchildren. This responsibility led us to establish a political system in which the government could be held accountable.

After much effort and sacrifice, martial law and the emergency decree were abolished and this paved the way for parliamentary elections in 1991 and 1992, and even further to a direct presidential election in 1996. We have since been able to elect the president and the members of the parliament regularly and openly. We have come a long way to where we are today, and I am fortunate and proud to not only witness but also take part in the transformation process.

In addition to this enviable political development, Taiwan’s economy grew well after the 1970s. At one time Taiwan was even termed an economic miracle. As it stands now, the size of Taiwan’s economy is the 23rd in the world and its trade volume the 18th. For a small country, Taiwan’s economic achievement is something we are quite proud of, too.

Taiwan now is a wonderful, friendly, and safe place that attracts millions of visitors from all over the world, including more than two million Chinese last year. Just for your information, a former Dutch ambassador, a former Belgium Ambassador, and a former American ambassador chose to stay in Taiwan after their retirement. Their decision says it all about Taiwan.

Searching for answers to meet challenges

Even though Taiwan is enviable in many regards, we face challenges just as all others do. The DPP may not be in office now, but we consider making alternative policy proposals to meet the challenges of our responsibility.

On the trade issue, the DPP has always considered openness and free trade the best way for Taiwan to go. When we were in the government, we had quite a significant degree of liberalization, including joining the WTO. We also went through the opening of the cross-strait mini-three links, direct charter flights and welcoming Chinese visitors for tourism or commercial purposes. We fully supported ANZTEC with New Zealand and ASTEP with Singapore last year, and this is a clear indication of our support for free trade.

In the last few years, Taiwan has experienced a sharp decline of investment from and trade with major economies. The result is an over-concentration on China, but this has the Taiwanese worried. After all, China is still threatening Taiwan politically and militarily. People also worry that the government signed economic agreements with China, including the Service Trade Agreement, without prior consultation and proper oversight as normally would have been done in other countries.

To strengthen Taiwan’s trade and economy, I have been arguing for structural reform, including streamlining rules and regulations and simplifying bureaucratic procedures. I have also been arguing for an FTA with the EU; at least we need to conclude the Trade Enhancement Measures. We should fully open up to each other; I know it is in our mutual interest to do so. Moreover, the DPP also fully supports Taiwan’s participation in the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), as soon as possible, to effectively diversify our trade and economic relations.

There have been considerable debates in Taiwan about nuclear power. We have three plants in operation, and are on the way to build the 4th one. This gives Taiwan the largest number of nuclear power plants in the world proportionate to its geographical size. Please do not forget that all of those plants are located very near active fault lines. The 4th Nuclear Power Plant has been under construction for 14 years without any safety report. The disaster in Fukushima in 2011 serves as a lesson for the Taiwanese: 300,000 relocated Fukushima residents are still not able to return home, and we have more than 6 million residents within the same radius of the plant under construction.

Now more than 70% of the people in Taiwan oppose the completion of the power plant, and the DPP stands firmly with them. The DPP considers green, renewable, and sustainable energy the only way to go for densely populated Taiwan, not highly controversial and potentially dangerous nuclear power. After all, Taiwan is the world’s number one producer of solar panels and has longer hours of sunshine than countries such as Germany. We would like to follow the good example of the UK and other European countries by setting the target of renewable energy at 20% in 2025, as opposed to the government target of 9%.

We also consider media freedom one of the most important pillars to sustain Taiwan’s democracy. But in the past few years, some important international watchdogs such as Freedom House have substantially downgraded Taiwan’s ranking in media freedom. Last September, a vicious power struggle between the president and the speaker of the parliament revealed that the government has conducted rampant wiretapping of elected officials, even on the general exchange line of the parliament. Situations like this led some prominent international observers to worry that Taiwan’s democracy might be backsliding.

The DPP is very concerned that what we have fought so hard to accomplish might be chipped away by the remnants of the past dictatorship. We opened the door for democracy, and will never allow it to close. We have worked hard, and will continue to do so, to safeguard our democratic way of life.

The China Factor

China presents to Taiwan not just a business opportunity; it is the single most important factor in Taiwan’s foreign relations. China has widely applied the “one China principle” on virtually every matter concerning Taiwan to highlight its claim of sovereignty over Taiwan. As a result, the Taiwanese are the only people in the world who cannot normally participate in major international organizations. The agony of the Taiwanese in this regard is far beyond your imagination.

In fact, Taiwan’s status is clear: we have a popularly elected president; we have a popularly elected parliament; and the government exercises exclusive jurisdiction over the territory under its control. Moreover, only the citizens of Taiwan can vote in Taiwan’s elections; only the citizens of Taiwan are taxed by the Taiwan government; and only the citizens of Taiwan serve in Taiwan’s military. Taiwan in reality is independent.

The DPP’s position, as embodied in the 1999 Resolution Regarding Taiwan’s Future, is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country, and any change to the status quo must be approved by the people of Taiwan through democratic means. In other words, the DPP is a political force guarding the status quo. Now the DPP is glad to see that our position has become a consensus in Taiwan. I must emphasize here: democracy is our core value and we are ready to defend it at any time, and it should be respected if there is to be a genuine peace across the Taiwan Strait.

More serious than diplomatic isolation is the military threat. China has never renounced the use of force, and has deployed more than 1,800 missiles aimed at Taiwan, even though Taiwan is not a threat at all. Perhaps we can have a better picture of China by looking at the regional strategic dynamics. China has been rapidly arming itself without any tangible threat on the horizon, and it has been expanding its “core interest” over disputed territories and waters. The latest move was the announcement of its East Sea Air Defense Identification Zone, which covers part of those of Taiwan, Japan and Korea. It is more than clear that China is attempting to change the status quo, as stated by senior American, Japanese, Korean and Australian officials.

The DPP is also paying close attention to the development in Hong Kong. It is sad for us to see, after the transition in 1997, huge numbers of Hong Kong people continuing to pour out onto the street just to make a humble request for a chance to elect their political leader. Quite a few Hong Kong democratic leaders have come to us and told us to treasure what we have in Taiwan and not cave in to become part of China; some of them even pay for newspaper ads in Taiwan to make their point. While the international community in general may not be able to provide much help to those democrats in Hong Kong, Taiwan is gradually seen as a life-vest and as a beacon of hope and strength.

In this regard, I must express my appreciation to the EU for not lifting the arms embargo, for the nature of the communist rule today is the same as in 1989. The EU decision is a clear signal to its friends and allies in East Asia that it supports peace and not expansionism. I am sure millions in China and Hong Kong will also say freedom and human rights do mean something to Europe.

Taiwan stands on the frontline of China’s expansion, and Taiwan in essence is “the canary in the coal mine” and can serve as an example to other countries that may have some dispute with China. We also understand that democratic Taiwan, although small, has become a hope of Chinese and Hong Kong democrats and we have responsibilities to them, too. We stand ready to defend our democracy, and we will not give in. Here I would like to copy Winston Churchill, who said in October 1941, “Never give in, never, never, never!”

Conclusion

Ladies and gentlemen, the DPP came into being by the people and for the people of Taiwan, and is destined to serve the people. We are eager to carry the responsibility to move Taiwan ahead economically and politically. Right now I feel the heavy load on my shoulders, for I have to work hard to move the DPP back into the driver’s seat. I believe our time will come soon because the DPP is a better choice than others. That is what the surveys say these days.

Even though Taiwan and Europe may be far apart, we are linked closely together by the values of freedom and democracy. The DPP hopes to continue to work with Europe in safeguarding our common values. My promise is that I will continue to shoulder the responsibility in this regard. I also hope the UK, the oldest brother of all democracies, pay more attention to our part of the world and give us more support in the fight for our values and our survival.

Thank you very much.

 

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Chair Su Tseng-chang's Remarks at CALD's 20th Anniversary, Manila, the Philippines

Below are the remarks made by Chair Su Tseng-chang at the 20th Anniversary of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD), held in Manila, the Philippines on November 9, 2013.
 
Honorable Rainsy, Honorable Sir Watson, Honorable Van Baalen, Your Excellencies, fellow members of CALD, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,

It is my pleasure to join this great gathering with our friends from CALD and ALDE to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of CALD. I am proud to say that the discussions to form CALD actually started in Taiwan in 1993 when I was serving as the Secretary-General of the Democratic Progressive Party. As you can easily tell, the DPP and CALD already formed a strong bond when Taiwan’s democratization started to gain momentum. I am very glad that the relations between the DPP and CALD are still going strong.

CALD and Taiwan Democracy
 
This year also marks the 27th anniversary of the DPP. In 1986 when Taiwan was still under martial law, I and 17 other members founded the very first democratic party in our country to push for democratization as the only path to end political persecution.

We fought hard against the KMT one-party rule and successfully pushed for general elections for the parliament and the president, and ultimately the DPP became the ruling party in 2000. We joined the Philippines and Korea in leading the third wave democratization in East Asia.

We have worked closely with our friends in CALD to promote democracy, human rights and freedom throughout the region. Now I am very pleased to see that CALD has become the most important party alliance in Asia. As we look back, we did not foresee how far we could go when we started this network. But we have come a long way, and we should all be proud of ourselves.

Addressing the Impact of Globalization
 
In the past two decades, some of us were given the opportunities to govern. But just as some new European democracies have experienced, some Asian democracies are now fighting democratic setbacks. For just one example, the people of Taiwan allowed former regime return to power a few years ago. We now see some old practices come back alive.

However, our determination to consolidate democracy in the region should not be compromised by the setbacks. What we need now is to pin down the causes and work hard to overcome the challenges. In this regard, we face fundamental issues such as building strong democratic institutions and new factors such as globalization. Even though the latter was not directly related to democracy, it has certainly impacted our democratic processes.

Globalization, beginning from the late 1990s, has brought both opportunities and challenges to all of us. Our societies have been reshaped and the societal gaps have been widened. The challenges have come very fast and people seem to have lost their patience for long-term structural reform. Many people simply want to relive in the “good old days” and support the past regimes in exchange for a more secured economic environment. In some countries, such as my own, the democratic formalities still exist, the substance is otherwise.

The issues associated with globalization require more regional and international cooperation, as none of us can cope with the challenges alone. We must stay in solidarity. Together we will consolidate democracy domestically, regionally and globally. We should bear heavier responsibilities to share the experiences of good governance in moving forward our common objectives.

The young democracies should not go against each other. Rather, we need to work together to meet the challenges of the anti-democratic forces. We also need to support each other to suppress the temptation of some people to welcome back the past. We know quite well what the old regimes in new faces are capable of: painting an unreal economic picture, then depriving the people some fundamental rights, and in the end the fruits of growth are only in the hands of the powerful few.

Successful Stories to be Noticed
 
Nevertheless, we should never be discouraged by the setbacks or the challenges, as successful stories are still evolving. I am particularly happy to see the launch of political transition in Burma. This is the result of the effort made by the people with strong international support. I also notice that the Philippine liberal leadership has demonstrated their determination for good governance by launching political reform.

Your sister party in Taiwan, the DPP, has now received more popular support than the governing KMT in nation-wide public opinion polls. The localities in which the DPP governs have also been recognized to have out-performed their peers. We are confident that we will gain more ground in the elections next year. The DPP is ready to shoulder more responsibilities

New Challenges Ahead
 
There are still new challenges ahead of us, including over-development, pollution, ecological damages, and ever more natural disasters caused by the climate change. We should come to the awareness that growth rate is not the only figure that matters; sustainability should be our prime consideration. In this regard, the experience of some of our European partners can illuminate our path to development. We also need to adopt a policy to help revitalize the private sector and to create an environment friendly to small and medium enterprises. In my view, we should always remind ourselves the objectives of CALD and ask ourselves the key question: have we done enough to win the support of the people?

Strengthening a Democratic Alliance
 
In my trip to Tokyo earlier this year, I proposed to form a democratic alliance among Asian democracies to safeguard our value and our common interest. The DPP advocates peaceful resolution through diplomatic consultation to end disputes in East and South China Seas. Taiwan can and should serve as a regional leader in promoting peace in the contested areas. And fellow democracies in the region should work together, based on our belief in the universal value, to overcome the challenges brought by the regional strategic dynamics.

Here I would also like to repeat what I delivered in my trip to Washington, D.C. in June: responsibility, reconciliation and rebalance. The DPP is committed to its responsibilities for the future of Taiwan, is willing to reconcile through dialogues as a means to normalize cross-strait relations, and desires to be a responsible partner of fellow democracies in the Asia Pacific.

Conclusion
 
My dear CALD colleagues, we have built a solid foundation of a democratic alliance among the Asian liberal and democratic parties. We need to stand firmly together, in power or in opposition, to repel the threats to democracy, and to promote our core value, freedom and democracy, in the region and throughout the rest of the world.

The DPP enjoys the benefits of the international network provided by CALD and LI. They are crucial to Taiwan, for our international space has been limited. I would like to take this opportunity to extend to you our appreciation for your support all these years, in all issues.

I look forward to the next twenty years of CALD.

Thank you very much.

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DPP Chair Su Tseng-chang's Remarks at the International Symposium of the Taiwan National Security Institute

Chairman Lo of the Taiwan National Security Institute, Former Japan’s Defense Minister Professor Mr. Morimoto, my dear old friend Mr. Yates, distinguished international and domestic guests, ladies and gentlemen, good morning!

 

It is my greatest pleasure today to participate in this year’s international conference organized by the Taiwan National Security Institute. During last year’s conference, we discussed the challenges faced in national security with the rise of China. This year’s topic discusses China’s rise and the formation of partnership between democratic countries, seeking to form peace and stability mechanisms in the Asia Pacific region. I’d like to pay my highest respects to this organization for their strategic thinking and arrangement of this conference.

Challenges to Asia Pacific’s political and economic order

 

During the past year, we witnessed a great transformation in the political and economic situation of Asia Pacific, which vastly influenced the region’s restructuring order in national security, peace and prosperity. As soon as U.S. President Barrack Obama was successfully reelected, he made his fifth trip to Asia, including his first-ever visit to the country of Myanmar, and with his new national security team, they reiterated that the policy of rebalance towards Asia remained unchanged. In Japan, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his Liberal Democratic Party won both houses of the National Diet, ending the previous “twisted Diet” and promoting an era of Abenomics, which was meant to rebuild Japan’s leading role in Asia Pacific. Furthermore, both U.S. and Japan leaders re-affirmed the importance of the U.S.-Japan security alliance. The Korean people created history for the first time by electing Mrs. Park Geun-hye as its first female president. China completed its leadership transition with Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang formally inaugurating the Xi-Li administration. While China domestically faced the challenges of a slowing economy and financial growth, issues in its social system, and other issues, they externally launched the new type of great power relationship, and in June, the Obama-Xi meeting took place in California. Naturally, we cannot overlook India’s look-East foreign policy and the ensuing developments between the four countries of China, U.S. India and Japan.

 

In terms of the challenges faced by each individual region, the North Korean regime of Kim Jong-un has created security challenges in Northeast Asia, requiring the establishment of international checks and balances through consultation and cooperation between nations. Taiwan-Japan disputes in the East China Sea and the Diaoyutai Islands have been provisionally resolved through the signing of a fishery agreement, but China’s relationship with Japan continues to be lauded with uncertainties. The stalemate from sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea is based on the differences between the parties involved, generating the need to jointly establish codes of conducts to maintain navigation freedom. The U.S. is actively promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and in July, Japan formally became the twelfth country to join the TPP negotiations. In the future, the competing nature of TPP and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) of ASEAN+6 will test the openness of each country’s foreign trade policy.

 

In all these developments mentioned above, they include the dimensions of diplomacy, military, security, economic, political and social circumstances of each country. They contribute to the complexity of restructuring challenges faced by Asia Pacific, not only testing the wisdom of its leaders, but also creating the necessity of a mature and stable institution.

 

 

Building an Asian-Pacific Democratic Alliance

 

This year in February, just when the dispute of the Diaoyutai Islands incited tensions between Japan and China and challenged the U.S.-Japan security alliance, I led a Democratic Progressive Party delegation to Tokyo. Besides meeting important leaders from the Liberal Democratic Party, we also met with more than 60 members of the National Diet across party lines. Everyone expressed concerns over the Diaoyutai Islands dispute and the inclination of Taiwan towards China, which endangered Japan’s lifeline of energy imports and exports. Along with Japan’s leaders whether in power or in opposition, I believed that even though Taiwan and Japan had firm standpoints on the sovereignty of the Diaoyutai Islands, maintaining peace and stability in the region was in both sides’ common interests, and it was imperative to complete the signing of a fishery agreement to avoid further deterioration in the East China Sea.

 

Soon after my Japan visit, Taiwan’s President Ma Ying-jeou at last declared that the cross straits would not jointly protect the Diaoyutai Islands, and in April, the Taiwan-Japan fishery agreement was signed. The initial impression given by the Ma administration allowed Beijing to opportunistically create an appearance of a cross strait cooperation to protect the islands and stand against Japan, which not only affected Taiwan-Japan relations, but also creating the possibility of dragging the U.S. into the dispute. The DPP welcomes President Ma’s administration take of a clear stand, yet the DPP administration in the past was already committed to a Taiwan-Japan fishery agreement, and these developments are all consistent to the messages I gave to our Japanese friends.

During my visit to Japan, I also raised the issue of creating a democratic alliance, which echoes the theme of this conference calling for partnerships between Asian democratic countries. In view of the unpredictability in the Asia Pacific, I believe that based on the common beliefs of democracy, freedom and human rights, a democratic alliance between the U.S., Japan, Korea, Taiwan, India and South Asia will assist to maintain regional security and prosperity. Our democratic alliance should neither resemble the kind of thinking during the Cold War nor it should mean that we are containing any country, but rather, it is a return to our most basic and common values, which are rightly so: democracy, using dialogue to substitute confrontation, peace to resolve conflict and most importantly, exercise democracy to determine our future.

 

 

Taiwan as a regional order facilitator

 

In June of this year, I visited Washington, D.C. and met with President Obama’s administration officials in Asian Pacific affairs. I also spoke at the joint-event organized by the Brookings Institution and the Center for Strategic International Studies (CSIS). In my address, I spoke about the three “Rs” - responsibility, reconciliation and rebalance - reiterating the DPP’s commitment to prepare for the ability to govern again and become responsible for the future of Taiwan’s reconstruction, proposing to reconciliation and dialogue as a means to normalize cross strait relations and regional peace. I appealed to the U.S., in their mapping of the return to Asia, to also rebalance U.S.-Taiwan relations so that Taiwan can become an important puzzle piece in their rebalancing blueprint.

 

I believe that Taiwan should not sit silently as a spectator, but it should play an active and constructive role as a regional order facilitator. Maintaining the peaceful and stable development of cross strait relations is certainly in line with international expectations, however, they should never come at the price of Taiwan’s sovereignty and democratic freedom. Democracy is Taiwan’s greatest asset, and it is also the common language it speaks with democratic countries in the region, and better yet, Taiwan is a driving force to push non-democratic countries towards reform and to urge them to respect the international norms. We urge North Korea to accept the resolution by international institutions and abandon nuclear weapons. We look forward to China’s rise with the hope that they can properly handle their internal problems, assume greater international responsibilities and respect the free will of the Taiwanese people.

 

China has yet to renounce the threat to use force to resolve the Taiwan issue. On one side, Taiwan must strive to normalize cross strait relations, and on another, it must strengthen its self-defense capabilities. Recently, we have gone through the scandal of the unfortunate death of army conscript Mr. Hong Chong-chiu. Two defense ministers resigned within the period of one week, striking a serious blow of confidence and morale as well as hurting the public’s trust in our military, all of which are very regrettable. In addition, President Ma’s administration has failed to implement the commitment to allocate 3% of our GDP to the annual defense budget, further exposing Taiwan’s defense crisis and enlarging the gap of Taiwan in regional peace and security in Asia Pacific.

 

As early as June, being a responsible opposition party, the DPP issued the Defense Policy Bluebook, in which it called to stick to the past administration’s commitment of 3% of our GDP to the annual defense budget; seriously raising military morale, the trust of the public and our partners - all as part of the strategic reassurances to countries including the U.S. and Japan.

 

Good governance with peace and prosperity

Dear ladies and gentlemen, the DPP has conducted open-minded reviews of the past administration’s domestic and foreign policies in its preparation for future governance. We had great support from the majority of the Taiwanese public in the past, and our approval rating is steadily surpassing that of the KMT. The localities in which the DPP exerts administrative control have received wide recognition by the Taiwanese public. We will march forward to regain power with vigor, confidence and responsibility.

 

With the greater expectations of the Taiwanese people towards the DPP, we must strengthen even more our capabilities and commitment to good governance. In regards to the concerns of the international community towards the DPP, we have in the past year, demonstrated with practical actions our commitments to our regional partners. The DPP will adopt responsible and strategic policies to ensure that cross strait peace and regional prosperity continues after the DPP returns to power.

 

Lastly, I would like to offer my greatest appreciation to the organizers of this conference. Thank You!

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Chair Su Tseng-chang's Remarks at the Brookings Institution, Washington D.C.

Chair Su Tseng-chang spoke on June 13 at the Brookings Institution organized by the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies (CNAPS) at Brookings and the Freeman Chair in China Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C.

Below are his remaks in full:

A New Partnership for a New Age: Strengthening U.S.-Taiwan Relations
 
Thank you very much, Chris, for your kind introduction. And thank you very much, Richard, for inviting me to speak here.

Ladies and gentlemen, good morning! I would like to thank both Brookings and CSIS for hosting this event. I am very glad to have this chance to engage in a conversation with you.

My American Experience

As my flight was approaching Reagan National Airport, I saw the Washington Monument covered for repair work.

What came to my mind then was that back in 1983, thanks to the late Ambassador Jim Lilly, the United States invited me to visit Washington. That was my first visit, and I was moved by the history behind the Monument and the memorials. 

With more than 200 year history, US democracy has survived the wars and other challenges. But just as the Washington Monument will stand tall and firm again, U.S. democracy grew stronger after each and every major event. Actually, this is how I look at Taiwan democracy, too.

Taiwan Democracy

I come from Pin-tung, the southern tip of Taiwan. I went to law school and passed the national bar exam to become a lawyer. I could have had a good life but in 1979, when the Kaohsiung Incident took place and democracy advocates were imprisoned by the KMT regime, I decided to take another route by serving as the defense lawyer for those political prisoners. 

In 1986, with martial law still in effect, I and 17 other members founded the first opposition party in Taiwan—the Democratic Progressive Party—to push for Taiwan’s democratization as the only path to end political persecution.

Over the last 26 years, the DPP fought hard against the KMT's one-party rule. We successfully pushed for general elections for the parliament and the president, and eventually we became the ruling party in 2000.

During the process, I went local first and was elected mayor of Pin-tung County. I next went north, and was elected mayor of Taipei County, now called Xin-bei City. I then went national, to serve as Premier. In the mean time, I also went from being a founding member of the DPP to twice becoming the chairman.

While our American friends are used to the democratic way of life, even take democracy for granted, many in Taiwan, including myself, risked their lives, and a good life, to slowly open the door for democracy. Thanks to the help of our American friends, democracy became a reality. I consider myself fortunate, and feel very proud, not only to witness but also to play a role in the historical process. I value what we have in Taiwan now, and I will do whatever it takes to defend our democracy.

Today I would like to explain to you how the DPP looks at some important issues, including how to deepen Taiwan’s democracy, how to proceed with managing cross-strait relations, and how to strengthen our relations with the U.S. Here I would like to refer to three “Rs” as my core concepts: responsibility, reconciliation, and re-balance.

Responsibility—beyond just an opposition

Since I became the DPP Chairman a year ago, I have tried hard to make the DPP more than just an opposition party, but rather a responsible force that proposes alternative policies and strives to outperform the governing party.

Last year when Taiwan’s economy was at a low point, the DPP proposed a policy package to stimulate Taiwan’s economy. At the beginning of this year, the DPP was on the frontline again leading the discussion of the reform of our near-bankrupt pension systems.

We also stood side by side with professors and students in the difficult campaign to prevent media monopoly and to preserve Taiwan’s media freedom. And I am glad to tell you that we have made it. The DPP is now leading a national campaign to halt the construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant. We have more policy proposals in the pipeline covering all aspects of public policy.

My objective in all of this is to lead the DPP to victory in the local elections at the end of next year, and to pave the way for a DPP comeback in 2016. I am sure the people of Taiwan, and the international community, will welcome a more capable and more responsible DPP.

I was on the Capitol Hill yesterday meeting my friend Ed Royce, Chairman of House Foreign Affairs Committee. We recounted the unique experience of riding Taiwan's high-speed railway train with five other visiting congressmen. Chairman Royce told me he would never forget the experience of a dialogue taking place at 185 miles per hour.

The construction of the high-speed railway system was started by the DPP Administration and completed when I was serving as Premier. We showed our ability to govern at the national level and our local leaders regularly receive the highest marks throughout the country. When the people of Taiwan compare us to the alternatives, I'm sure they will see us as the best choice.


China Policy and Taiwan Consensus

Friends here are anxious to learn how the DPP plans to manage Taiwan’s relations with China. Past history has left its imprint and the DPP has to work hard to regain the confidence of our international friends. As the DPP Chairman, I cannot shy away from this responsibility. In this regard, I adhere to the principle of reconciliation to lead up to the normalization of cross-strait relations.  

Not long ago, Richard sent me a copy of his recent book Uncharted Strait. There is one argument in the book with which I cannot agree more: the U.S. should not abandon Taiwan, but needs to strike a balance in dealing with Taiwan and China.

In addition, we in Taiwan also see, as Richard wrote in his book, that after five years, the momentum of cross-strait cooperation will begin to decelerate and most likely stall. This would require both Taiwan and the U.S. to be more realistic in looking at cross-strait relations.

What we have learned from the political transitions taking place last year in the Asia Pacific region is that Taiwan and the DPP need to take into consideration regional strategic dynamics. Taiwan should not confine its political focus to elections and domestic politics.

I have always been pragmatic and adhere to the principles. My track record as Premier speaks for itself. In 2006 to 2007, expanded charter flights and tourism were both negotiated in Macau. What was agreed upon in 2008 was actually based on those negotiations under the DPP government.

Last year when I ran for the chairmanship, I made a pledge to establish a China Affairs Committee. After five months of consultation and preparation, the first committee meeting took place on May 9, and Taiwan’s China Agenda was proposed. We will design Taiwan’s China policy with strategic depth. We will also build it comprehensively by dealing with political, security, social, and economic aspects.

In the past, our discussion and policies dealing with China have often been influenced by the pressure of highly competitive elections. The result was that many in and out of Taiwan do not really understand us. Even though our policy principles are sound and in line with Taiwan’s majority, there seems to be a gap in perception. I know this is what we need to overcome if the DPP is to make a come-back.

Here I would like to highlight the DPP’s core value on China policy: Taiwan is a sovereign country, with its national title the Republic of China. This is the status quo of the Taiwan Strait; any change to it must be approved by the people of Taiwan through democratic means such as referendum. This is what we call the principle of democratic procedure. This principle is engraved in our 1999 “Resolution Regarding Taiwan’s Future.” It is also what I called the “Taiwan consensus” three years ago.

On the other hand, Taiwan should engage a rising China with self-confidence. Taiwan should not only pursue interaction and dialogue with the Chinese government but also the Chinese people. In fact, many DPP members have engaged in various forms of interaction with China for some time. It also seems to me that China now is more interested in understanding Taiwan by interacting with the DPP. More interaction means more mutual understanding and less distrust. This is important so that Beijing not misjudge and mismanage its relations with Taiwan, particularly when the DPP comes back to power.

This is the first step in our strategic design on China policy. Once our party reaches conclusions on our basic positions, strategies and policies in the committee, we would like to go one step further by formulating Taiwan’s domestic consensus. This will become the basis for normalizing relations with Beijing.

There is no such thing as a “magic formula” that can resolve all cross-strait differences. Now the differences between Taiwan and China are too wide in the areas of political development and military balance. Improvement of relations should come from a step by step, hard effort. They cannot be captured in a four-character formula. The process requires us to deliberate at the intra-party, domestic, and cross-strait levels.

US-Taiwan relations needs a re-balance

Taiwanese, and certainly the DPP, have always considered Taiwan’s relations with the U.S. as the country’s most important relationship. No matter what has happened in the past, my party needs to look and move forward. It is based on this belief that I decided to re-establish our mission in DC to strengthen relations with the U.S. 

The U.S. is Taiwan’s most important democratic partner, and also our security and economic partner. I was on the Capitol Hill yesterday meeting with Senate and House leaders. I expressed the heartfelt appreciation by the DPP, and all people in Taiwan indeed, for the Taiwan Relations Act.

Democracy and security do not fall from heaven. They come with a cost. In the past few years, the cross-strait military imbalance has become more serious, but Taiwan’s investment in defense is growing smaller. It is time for us to demonstrate that we are serious about our own defense. I would like to urge you to look at my track record again when I was serving as Taiwan’s Premier. Despite all difficulties, the defense budget reached 2.7% of GDP in 2007, and 3% in 2008.

In this trip to the U.S., I brought with me the newest blue-books on defense to show our American friends that, even though we are in opposition now, the DPP is serious, and I am serious, about Taiwan’s defense. I guarantee you: the future DPP government will be fully committed to Taiwan’s self-defense.

For sure, we ask not what the U.S. can do for Taiwan, but ask what Taiwan can do to earn the U.S. support.

On trade policy, the DPP supports an open economy and free trade. The DPP worries about Taiwan’s over-concentration on China, and supports government efforts to negotiate free trade deals with other countries.

The DPP also supports President Obama’s “pivot,” for it is an important pillar to peace and prosperity in the Asia Pacific region. For Taiwan’s own strategic and economic interest, Taiwan should integrate itself in this rebalancing effort, pursuing a Free Trade Agreement with the U.S., and actively seeking to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The FTAs and TPP are paths for Taiwan to survive and prosper economically.

The DPP will continue to monitor the government to ensure that it engages in structural reform, brings technology into industries, and helps business network internationally. Most importantly, we will urge the government to appropriate the budget necessary to help our industries in their needed transformation.

With that, I would like to call upon our American friends to re-balance relations with Taiwan while engaging China, and to help Taiwan in the areas of security enhancement and trade relations.

Conclusion

Ladies and Gentlemen, the DPP was twice elected as the ruling party by the Taiwanese people. The DPP will work harder than ever to win the support from the public and the trust from the international community.

Responsibility, reconciliation and rebalance are my guiding principles.

The DPP has been and will be a responsible party offering clear policies for the people of Taiwan.

The DPP is committed to domestic reconciliation and cross-strait normalization.

The DPP is committed to being an integral partner in this effort, a responsible player offering Taiwan's rich talents to the goal of a democratic, prosperous Asia. 

Thank you very much.

 

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